Category Archives: Famous Arkansans

Joseph T. Robinson Biography and video

Capitol Tour with Senator Mark Pryor

Published on Jun 13, 2012 by

Episode 1: Arkansans in the Capitol

__________

I have posted a lot in the past about Mark Pryor and most of the posts have been critical. (“THIRSTY THURSDAY” open letters to Senator Pryor displayed here on the www.thedailyhatch.org).  However, I must give him credit for this excellent video above about famous Arkansans who are recognized in Washington.

Twenty-third Governor (1913)

Joseph Taylor Robinson was governor only a short time before taking office as a U.S. senator. He became Senate majority leader during the Great Depression, after his nomination as the Democratic Party candidate for vice president—the first Southern officeholder on a major ticket after the Civil War.

Joe T. Robinson was born on August 26, 1872, in Concord Township (Lonoke County) to James Madison Robinson—a doctor, farmer, and lay preacher from New York—and Matilda Jane Swaim of Tennessee. Usually attending the local one-room schoolhouse during the summer, he received fewer than forty-six months of formal education. He augmented his schooling by reading classics from his father’s extensive library. In his childhood, he chopped cotton and tended to his father’s apple orchard. During his teenage years, he made a reputation as a public speaker, winning forensic exchanges in both political and religious contests. At seventeen, he took the local test and was licensed to teach first grade in the county schools. After two years of teaching, he enrolled in the University of Arkansas (UA) in Fayetteville (Washington County), attending for one year until his father’s death in 1892, when he returned to Lonoke (Lonoke County). There he studied law with Thomas C. Trimble, a judge and political leader.

In 1894, Robinson defeated the Populist candidate for state representative and became the youngest member of the General Assembly at age twenty-two. He introduced a bill to create a commission, similar to the Interstate Commerce Commission, to regulate state railroad rates. The bill was defeated, but in the next legislature, a similar bill was passed as an amendment to the state constitution and sent to the voters, who approved it overwhelmingly in 1898 by 63,703 to 16,940.

On December 15, 1896, Robinson married Ewilda “Billie” Grady Miller, a local beauty. The couple had no children.

After his one term in the legislature, Robinson concentrated on his growing law practice, earning enough income to allow him to re-enter politics. In 1902, he won a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives, a position he held for a decade. With the Democrats in the minority and unable to pass their own bills, Robinson supported such progressive Republican legislation as railroad regulation, the Pure Food and Drug Act, campaign contribution restrictions, the graduated income tax, and the direct election of senators.

Robinson’s career took many rapid turns in 1912. He announced he would run for the Senate against the incumbent Jeff Davis, but after assaying Davis’s strength, he changed his mind. He ran for governor instead, and bested George W. Donaghey by nearly a two-to-one margin. But before Robinson’s inauguration, the recently reelected Davis died of a heart attack. Robinson won a close vote for Davis’s Senate seat. As governor, Robinson pushed through a progressive agenda for the state. He proposed, and the Legislature enacted, laws creating a state banking board, a state health board, and the Arkansas Highway Commission. He also oversaw the reform of the penitentiary system, including a paid oversight board and the outlawing of the notorious convict-leasing system. He also worked for ratification of the Seventeenth Amendment and the direct election of senators by the people. But on March 8, 1913, he resigned the governorship to take his Senate seat, causing a crisis in the state as Arkansas did not have the position of lieutenant governor.

In the Senate, Robinson became a politician of national stature. He stood by President Woodrow Wilson, leading fights for progressive legislation, such as a proposal to end child labor, and for wartime measures, the arming of merchant ships, and the declaration of war against Germany in 1917. After the war, he helped direct the unsuccessful battle for ratification of the Versailles Treaty, earning a reputation as a master tactician and excellent parliamentarian. In recognition of his efforts, he was chosen the permanent chairman of the 1920 Democratic National Convention.

His fame and power grew throughout the 1920s. In 1923, he became the Democratic leader of the Senate. Then, in 1924, he was one of many “favorite son” candidates nominated for president of the United States. As the convention deadlocked through 102 ballots, The New York Times anointed Robinson the “obvious compromise candidate.” Instead, the delegates chose John W. Davis, a Wall Street lawyer.

In 1928, Robinson made headlines again when, on the floor of the Senate, he attacked the anti-Catholic religious bigotry of Alabama senator Tom Heflin and the venomous hatred of the Ku Klux Klan. Because of this speech, he became a champion of religious toleration, a big issue at the time since the presumed Democratic nominee for president, Al Smith, was Catholic. Robinson was then chosen to serve as the permanent chairman of the Democratic National Convention in Houston, Texas. And shortly thereafter, Al Smith, governor of New York, selected him as his running mate; Robinson’s outspoken attack on religious prejudice in America, as well as his Southern roots, were seen as important to the ticket. Many politicos predicted that Southerners would never vote for an anti-prohibitionist Catholic for president; many believed that Robinson could help to deliver the “solid South” to the Democrats once more. When the Democrats officially nominated him for the vice-presidency on June 29, 1928, he became the first Arkansan ever nominated for a national office. By train, Robinson campaigned for thousands of miles across the South and the West. Herbert Hoover won the presidency, however. The next year, Hoover named Robinson as the only Democratic delegate to the London Naval Disarmament Conference. Upon his return, he secured enough Democratic votes in the U.S. Senate for the London Naval Disarmament Treaty to ensure its passage.

As the Great Depression of the 1930s grew, so did Robinson’s prestige. After the 1932 election, with the Democrats in control of the federal government, Robinson became the majority leader of the Senate. From this position, he pushed President Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal legislation through a sometimes reluctant Senate. In 1933, he guided the Emergency Banking Act through the Senate and introduced and pushed for passage of the Civilian Conservation Corps, the Federal Emergency Relief Act, the Work Relief Act, the Home Owners Loan Act, and the Railroad Coordination Act.

After 1933, he continued to support Roosevelt’s program, in both foreign and domestic battles. In 1935, he led an unsuccessful attempt to bring the United States into the World Court. He supported other Roosevelt measures, such as the Social Security Act and the Rural Electrification Act, even while pushing through the Robinson-Patman Anti-Price Discrimination Act to protect small retailers from large chain stores; he pushed the Robinson-Patman Act through Congress without administration support.

Roosevelt acknowledged Robinson’s many contributions on numerous occasions, most notably when he came to Arkansas in 1936—the first time a sitting president had visited the state. Arriving for the main centennial celebration at the capitol on June 10, 1936, Roosevelt then went to Robinson’s home for a private luncheon and reception. Later that summer, he served as the Permanent Chairman of the Democratic National Convention, his third time to hold that office. Later that year, the state further honored Robinson by having a special centennial coin struck with his picture on one side. Perhaps the most controversial stand that Robinson took during the year was in his opposition to the Southern Tenant Farmers’ Union (STFU), which was trying to organize the overworked and underpaid day laborers in the delta region. He defended the large landowners, arguing to the president that “outside agitators” were orchestrating the troubles. Personally, he hated that the STFU leader, H. L. Mitchell, and called him “Greasy Joe.” In the end, the large landowners won.

Robinson’s career came to an end in 1937 during one of the most heated Senate conflicts of the twentieth century—Roosevelt’s plan to enlarge the Supreme Court. In June 1937, Roosevelt offered Robinson a seat on the Court—if he could get Senate support to add up to six new justices. For the next month, Robinson led the floor fight in the bitter battle over the Roosevelt proposal in the hot Senate chamber. Suddenly, on July 14, 1937, the skirmish ended when Robinson died in his apartment, apparently the victim of a heart attack. He was laid to rest in Roselawn Cemetery in Little Rock (Pulaski County).

For additional information:
Franklin D. Roosevelt, Official Files. Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York.

Franklin D. Roosevelt, President’s Personal Files. Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, New York.

Grant, Gilbert Richard. “Joseph Taylor Robinson in Foreign Affairs.” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 9 (Autumn 1950): 133–171.

Joseph Taylor Robinson Papers. Special Collections. University of Arkansas Libraries, Fayetteville, Arkansas.Ledbetter, Cal, Jr. “Joe T. Robinson and the Presidential Campaign of 1928.” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 45 (Summer 1986): 95–125.

Razer, Bob. “Joe T. Robinson: The New Deal’s Majority Leader, 1933–1937.” Pulaski County Historical Review 56 (Winter 2008): 100–113.

Towns, Stuart. “Joseph T. Robinson and Arkansas Politics, 1912–1913.” Arkansas Historical Quarterly24 (Winter 1965): 291–307.Towns, W. Stuart. “‘Gilded Gateways to Economic Paradise’: The New Deal Rhetoric of Senator Joe. T. Robinson.” Arkansas Review: A Journal of Delta Studies 31 (April 2000): 29–38.

Weller, Cecil Edward, Jr. Joe T. Robinson: Always a Loyal Democrat. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1984.

———. “Joseph Taylor Robinson and the Robinson-Patman Act.” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 47 (Spring 1988): 47–69.

 Cecil Edward Weller Jr.
San Jacinto College South

This entry, originally published in Arkansas Biography: A Collection of Notable Lives, appears in the Encyclopedia of Arkansas History & Culture in an altered form. Arkansas Biography is available from the University of Arkansas Press.

Related Butler Center Lesson Plans:
Arkansas Progressive Era Dinner Party (Grades 7-12); Arkansas’s Top Ten Events (Grades 6-12); Who’s Who in Arkansas (Grades 5-8)

___________

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Capitol Tours with Senator Mark Pryor

Three very good video tours below from Senator Mark Pryor.

Published on Jun 13, 2012 by

Episode 1: Arkansans in the Capitol

Published on Jul 9, 2012 by

Episode 2: The Crypt and the Old Supreme Court

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Episode 3: The Senate Chamber

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Famous Arkansan Bill Fulbright (1905–1995) biography and video

Capitol Tour with Senator Mark Pryor

Published on Jun 13, 2012 by

Episode 1: Arkansans in the Capitol

__________

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aka: James William Fulbright
aka: J. William Fulbright

James William Fulbright was and remains among the best-known Arkansans. As a Democratic U.S. senator, he was a force for change. Like his Oxford tutor, R.B. McCallum, Bill Fulbright believed that a “Parliament of Man” was possible, that educated, enlightened human beings were able to recognize that their individual interests and were inextricably bound up with the well being of the community. The crux of that education was knowledge about and appreciation of other cultures. Tolerance, peaceful coexistence, respect for human rights, and collective security are Fulbright’s bequests to the nation and the world

Fulbright was born on April 9, 1905, in Summer, Missouri, to Jay and Roberta Fulbright. In 1906, the family moved to Fayetteville (Washington County), where his father developed a business empire that included a bank, a bottling company, a lumberyard, and the local newspaper. His mother was a civic leader. After his father’s death in 1923, Fulbright’s mother also became a businesswoman and newspaper editor. As a journalist, she gained a good deal of political power.

Fulbright attended the University of Arkansas (UA) in Fayetteville from the time he enrolled in the experimental kindergarten run by the College of Education until his graduation with a bachelor of arts degree in history in 1925.

In the fall of 1925, he enrolled at Oxford University in England, having been awarded a Rhodes scholarship. After graduating from Oxford with a BA in 1928, he met journalist M. W. Fodor in Vienna and accompanied him in the spring of 1929, touring southeastern and central Europe and meeting with leading politicians. He received an MA from Oxford in 1931.

During a business trip to Washington DC, Fulbright met Elizabeth Kremer Williams. They were married on June 15, 1932, and the couple had two daughters.

Fulbright received a law degree from George Washington University in 1934 and was admitted to the bar of the District of Columbia in the same year. He worked as an attorney in the Department of Justice Anti-Trust Division from 1934 to 1935, when the National Recovery Administration for which he worked was declared unconstitutional. At that point, he took a position teaching at George Washington University and, in 1936, began teaching at the UA Law School.

In 1939, Fulbright was named president of UA. At thirty-four, he was the youngest college head in the United States. His selection probably had more to do with his mother’s substantial political clout than with his academic and administrative record. When Homer Adkins, whom the Fulbright-owned newspaper had bitterly opposed, was elected governor of Arkansas in 1941, he packed the university’s Board of Trustees and had Fulbright removed from his position.

In 1942, Fulbright ran successfully for U.S. House of Representatives from the district comprising northwest Arkansas. His time at Oxford studying modern European history and his travels in Europe had generated a deep interest in international affairs. Soon after his election, he made a name for himself by cosponsoring the Fulbright-Connally Resolution that supported membership in a post-war collective security organization that became the United Nations.

In 1944, he captured the Senate seat held by Hattie Caraway, beating the incumbent and two other candidates, including his nemesis, Homer Adkins. In 1946, he sponsored legislation creating the Fulbright Exchange Program to foster international understanding among college students and prepare them to pursue enlightened foreign policies as political leaders. Or as he put it, “If large numbers of people can learn to know and understand people from nations other than their own, they might develop a capacity for empathy, a distaste for killing other men, and an inclination for peace.” Since its inception, that program has produced more than 150,000 alumni from the United States and some sixty other countries.

Fulbright gained national attention by challenging and eventually helping to censure Wisconsin Senator Joseph McCarthy. Fulbright was the only senator to vote against appropriations for McCarthy’s Senate Permanent Investigative Subcommittee, and he helped put together the bipartisan coalition in Congress that eventually condemned McCarthy on December 1, 1954.

While Fulbright worked on behalf of Arkansas agriculture and industry, his most notable service was as the chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, a post he held from 1959 to 1975—longer than any other chair of that committee in history. During this time, he supported the Truman Doctrine, Marshall Plan, and NATO, and he defended executive prerogatives in foreign policy against isolationists who wanted to retreat within Fortress America. With his support, the Truman administration formulated and implemented the policy of containment, intervening on the side of the pro-western monarch in the Greek civil war and helping both Turkey and Iran fend off Soviet efforts to convert them into protectorates.

He came to be known for his advocacy of a land-for-peace settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict and his support of détente with the Soviet Union. But he is probably best known for his opposition to the Vietnam War.

In February 1966, under Fulbright’s leadership, the committee held televised hearings on the war. The misgivings expressed there began the national debate on the wisdom of U.S. policy toward Southeast Asia. From then until the end of Lyndon Johnson’s term as president, Fulbright worked to dismantle support for the war. In 1967, he published The Arrogance of Power, a sweeping critique of American foreign policy that sold 400,000 copies.

In 1956, Fulbright signed the Southern Manifesto, a call by Southern representatives and senators for resistance to court-ordered school integration, and he did not vote for a civil rights bill until 1970. And yet he had played a key role in toning down the Southern Manifesto and, deeply affected by the killing of four African-American girls in the Birmingham church bombing of 1963, he provided behind-the-scenes help on civil rights measures to both the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. During Nixon’s tenure in office, Fulbright led the way in defeating the nomination of G. Harold Carswell, an outspoken opponent of the civil rights movement. He also combated the John Birch Society, the Christian Crusade, H. L. Hunt, Strom Thurmond, and the other organizations and personalities that made up the radical right of the period.

After Richard Nixon’s election to the presidency, Fulbright used the Constitution as a rallying point to align conservatives and liberals behind his national commitments resolution that required explicit congressional approval for an executive commitment of aid or troops to a foreign power. Its passage in 1969 paved the way for the War Powers Act of 1973, which clarified the respective powers of the Congress and the presidency in declarations of war and deployment of troops.

Fulbright lost his Senate seat to Arkansas governor Dale Bumpers in 1974; for the next twenty years, he played the role of elder statesman, addressing the world from his office in the Washington DC law firm of Hogan and Hartson. In 1981, the UA College of Arts and Sciences was named for him, and in 1993, President William Jefferson Clinton, one of Fulbright’s proteges, presented him with the Medal of Freedom.

Betty Fulbright died in 1985 of congestive heart failure and complications from diabetes. In 1990, Fulbright married the former Harriet Mayor, then the executive director of the Fulbright Alumni Association. Following a massive stroke, Fulbright died on February 9, 1995, at his home in Washington. He is buried in Evergreen Cemetery in Fayetteville.

The themes that more than any other dominated Fulbright’s public life and work were cultural tolerance and international cooperation. During his thirty-two years in Congress, the former Rhodes scholar appealed to the peoples of the world but particularly his countrymen to appreciate and tolerate other cultures and political systems without condoning armed aggression or human rights violations.

 For additional information:
Berman, William C. William Fulbright and the Vietnam War: The Dissent of a Political Realist. Kent, OH: Kent State University Press 1988.

Brown, Eugene. J. William Fulbright: Advice and Dissent. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1985.

Gibbons, William Conrad. The U.S. Government and the Vietnam War: Executive and Legislative Roles and Relationships. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press 1984.J. William Fulbright Papers. Special Collections. University of Arkansas Libraries, Fayetteville, Arkansas.

Johnson, Haynes, and Bernard M. Gwertzman. Fulbright: The Dissenter. Garden City, NY: Doubleday Co., 1968.

Woods, Randall Bennett. Fulbright: A Biography. New York: Cambridge University Press 1995.

Randall Bennett Woods
University of Arkansas, Fayetteville

Rebecca Haden
Fayetteville, Arkansas

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Famous Arkansan Uriah Milton Rose (1834–1913) biography and video

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__________

I have posted a lot in the past about Mark Pryor and most of the posts have been critical. (“THIRSTY THURSDAY” open letters to Senator Pryor displayed here on the www.thedailyhatch.org).  However, I must give him credit for this excellent video above about famous Arkansans who are recognized in Washington.

Uriah Milton Rose was a nationally prominent attorney who practiced in Little Rock (Pulaski County) for more than forty years at what is now known as the Rose Law Firm. He was a founder and president of both the Arkansas Bar Association and the American Bar Association, and he was appointed by President Theodore Roosevelt as an ambassador for the United States to the Second Hague Peace Conference in 1907.

U. M. Rose was born on March 5, 1834, in Bradfordsville, Kentucky, to Nancy and Joseph Rose. His father was a physician. He was his parents’ third son and had two half-siblings from his father’s first marriage to a Miss Armstrong from Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.

Rose’s mother died in 1848, and his father died the following April. After his father’s death, the family’s home went into the hands of an administrator who was charged with paying the family debts, which exceeded the assets. The children were thrown out. Rose’s father had incurred considerable debt in starting a glass manufacturing plant in Pittsburgh, which he struggled to pay his entire life. Rose found work in the village store, where he also slept. A few years later, he studied law at Transylvania University at Lexington, graduating in 1853.

While in law school, Rose met his future wife, Margaret T. Gibbs. They married on October 25, 1853. Rose found the cold Kentucky winters especially difficult, thus near the end of his formal legal study, and after reading a newspaper article about Batesville (Independence County) which ignited Rose’s imagination, he convinced his new wife that a move to Arkansas was desirable. On December 5, 1853, a few months after their marriage, the couple, along with Rose’s brother-in-law, William T. Gibbs, another young lawyer who was making the move with them, set out for Batesville to start a new life in a state where none of them knew a single person. Rose studied Arkansas law for two years before he formed a partnership with Gibbs.

While living in Batesville from 1853 to 1862, the Roses had three children. The family moved to Little Rock after the Civil War in 1865 and had four more children.

Rose was not in favor of secession by the state on very practical grounds. He did not believe the Southern states could win a war with the states that remained in the union; however, after it became clear that secession was inevitable, he sided with his fellow Arkansans. Rose was not suited for physical battle and was not commissioned into the Confederate army, but his intellect and education led to an assignment to collect the records of Arkansas soldiers serving in the Confederate army. As such, he traveled to Richmond, Virginia, during the war to record the names of all Arkansans participating in the Confederacy. After weeks of painstakingly recording every name, he arranged to have the records transported to Little Rock. In transit, the records were stored in a warehouse to wait for a time to safely move them across the Mississippi River; however, the warehouse caught fire, and all the records were lost.

Governor Elias Conway appointed Rose chancellor of the Court of Chancery of Pulaski County in 1860. The chancellor’s office was the only such office in the state and thus had statewide jurisdiction.

Rose built a reputation as an intelligent, articulate attorney. After he moved to Little Rock, his name was placed in nomination before the Legislature for the position of U.S. senator in the fall of 1877. After several votes which did not result in an election, he notified the Legislature that he did not desire the position, and his name was dropped. Rose told the legislators that he did not feel he could be of service and that such office offered him no happiness.

Elisha Baxter asked Rose to argue his case to President Ulysses S. Grant during the Brooks-Baxter War, a “war” between two contestants for the office of governor of the state. Rose accepted Baxter’s request and traveled to Washington DC to appear before Attorney General George Williams in May 1874. Inasmuch as the Federal troops continued to control the balance of political power in the state, both contestants in the war realized that the ultimate decision could be made by President Grant. Baxter’s decision to employ Rose’s talents rather than force of arms proved crucial to his success.

Shortly after Rose’s move to Little Rock in 1865, Rose and Judge George C. Watkins, formerly chief justice of the state Supreme Court, opened the law office of Watkins and Rose. The pair practiced together for six years, until Judge Watkins’s death in 1872. Rose’s son George joined the firm in 1881, and other attorneys joined and left the practice over the years. The Rose name was constant, and in 1980, the firm became known simply as the Rose Law Firm. Rose appeared before the supreme courts of both Arkansas and the United States on several occasions, arguing cases such as those related to the ownership of downtown Hot Springs (Garland County) and Little Rock, the status of a promissory note given for the purchase price of a slave who was later freed, and the rights of bondholders of railroads built in the state.

Rose was among the original seventy-five members who founded the American Bar Association in August 1878 in Saratoga Springs, New York. He was the only member from Arkansas. In August 1901, he was elected president of the association.

On May 24, 1882, sixty-eight lawyers from across the state met at Rose’s suggestion and formed the Arkansas State Bar Association. Rose was elected chairman of the association’s first executive committee and, between 1898 and 1899, served as president.

In October 1905, President Theodore Roosevelt took an extensive trip across the South, including Little Rock, where he attended a luncheon. At that luncheon, Rose toasted the president, who responded by saying, “Judge Rose stands today as one of that group of eminent American Citizens, eminent for their services to the whole country, whom we know as the leaders of the American bar.”

The following year, President Roosevelt, who was in the process of selecting representatives to a second conference to discuss international rules of war, asked Rose to come to Washington in February 1906 to discuss it with him. He appointed Rose as a delegate to the Second Hague Peace Conference held in 1907. The delegates appointed by Roosevelt were given the status of ambassadors to enhance their ability to represent the United States.

After a fall in his office in June, Rose died on August 12, 1913. Out of respect for him, all of the state and county offices were closed for the day of his funeral. He is buried in the Oakland Cemetery in Little Rock.

In 1915, the state of Arkansas placed a marble statue of Rose in Statuary Hall in the U.S. Capitol. Justice Felix Frankfurter of the U.S. Supreme Court wrote, “[I]n my early years at the bar U. M. Rose was one of the luminaries of our profession—not merely a very distinguished practitioner but a highly cultivated, philosophical student of civilization and of the role of law and the lawyers in progress of civilization.”

For additional information:
Bird II, Allen W. “U. M. Rose: Arkansas Attorney.” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 64 (Summer 2005): 171–205.

Harrell, John M. The Brooks and Baxter War—A History of the Reconstruction Period in Arkansas. St. Louis: Slawson Printing Co., 1893.Rogers, James G. American Bar Leaders: Biographies of the Presidents of the American Bar Association, 1878–1928. Chicago: American Bar Association, 1932.

Rose, George B., ed. U. M. Rose—Memoirs and Addresses. Chicago: George I. Jones, 1914.

Allen W. Bird II
Little Rock, Arkansas

This entry, originally published in Arkansas Biography: A Collection of Notable Lives, appears in the Encyclopedia of Arkansas History & Culture in an altered form. Arkansas Biography is available from the University of Arkansas Press.

Last Updated 9/26/2007

Dear Senator Pryor, why not pass the Balanced Budget Amendment? (“Thirsty Thursday”, Open letter to Senator Pryor)

Dear Senator Pryor, Why not pass the Balanced  Budget amendment? As you know that federal deficit is at all time high (1.6 trillion deficit with revenues of 2.2 trillion and spending at 3.8 trillion). On my blog http://www.HaltingArkansasLiberalswithTruth.com I took you at your word and sent you over 100 emails with specific spending cut ideas. However, […]

Dear Senator Pryor, why not pass the Balanced Budget Amendment? (“Thirsty Thursday”, Open letter to Senator Pryor)

Dear Senator Pryor, Why not pass the Balanced  Budget Amendment? As you know that federal deficit is at all time high (1.6 trillion deficit with revenues of 2.2 trillion and spending at 3.8 trillion). On my blog http://www.HaltingArkansasLiberalswithTruth.com I took you at your word and sent you over 100 emails with specific spending cut ideas. However, […]

Dear Senator Pryor, why not pass the Balanced Budget Amendment? ( “Thirsty Thursday,” Open letter to Senator Pryor)

Dear Senator Pryor, Why not pass the Balanced Budget Amendment? As you know that federal deficit is at all time high (1.6 trillion deficit with revenues of 2.2 trillion and spending at 3.8 trillion). On my blog www.HaltingArkansasLiberalswithTruth.com I took you at your word and sent you over 100 emails with specific spending cut ideas. However, I did […]

Dear Senator Pryor, why not pass the Balanced Budget Amendment? ( “Thirsty Thursday,” Open letter to Senator Pryor)

Dear Senator Pryor, Why not pass the Balanced  Budget Amendment? As you know that federal deficit is at all time high (1.6 trillion deficit with revenues of 2.2 trillion and spending at 3.8 trillion). On my blog www.HaltingArkansasLiberalswithTruth.com I took you at your word and sent you over 100 emails with specific spending cut ideas. However, I did […]

Dear Senator Pryor, why not pass the Balanced Budget Amendment? ( “Thirsty Thursday,” Open letter to Senator Pryor)

Dear Senator Pryor,  Why not pass the Balanced Budget Amendment? As you know that federal deficit is at all time high (1.6 trillion deficit with revenues of 2.2 trillion and spending at 3.8 trillion). On my blog www.HaltingArkansasLiberalswithTruth.com I took you at your word and sent you over 100 emails with specific spending cut ideas. However, I did […]

Dear Senator Pryor, why not pass the Balanced Budget Amendment? (“Thirsty Thursday,” Open letter to Senator Pryor)

Dear Senator Pryor, Why not pass the Balanced Budget Amendment? As you know that federal deficit is at all time high (1.6 trillion deficit with revenues of 2.2 trillion and spending at 3.8 trillion). On my blog www.HaltingArkansasLiberalswithTruth.com I took you at your word and sent you over 100 emails with specific spending cut ideas. However, I did […]

Dear Senator Pryor, why not pass the Balanced Budget Amendment? ( “Thirsty Thursday,” Open letter to Senator Pryor)

Dear Senator Pryor, Why not pass the Balanced Budget Amendment? As you know that federal deficit is at all time high (1.6 trillion deficit with revenues of 2.2 trillion and spending at 3.8 trillion). On my blog www.HaltingArkansasLiberalswithTruth.com I took you at your word and sent you over 100 emails with specific spending cut ideas. However, I did […]

 

Famous Arkansan Hattie Caraway biography and video

Capitol Tour with Senator Mark Pryor

Published on Jun 13, 2012 by

Episode 1: Arkansans in the Capitol

__________

I have posted a lot in the past about Mark Pryor and most of the posts have been critical. (“THIRSTY THURSDAY” open letters to Senator Pryor displayed here on the www.thedailyhatch.org).  However, I must give him credit for this excellent video above about famous Arkansans who are recognized in Washington.

Hattie Caraway

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (January 2011)
Hattie Caraway
Senate portrait of Sen. Hattie Caraway, 1996
United States Senator
from Arkansas
In office
December 9, 1931 – January 3, 1945
Preceded by Thaddeus H. Caraway
Succeeded by J. William Fulbright
Personal details
Born Hattie Ophelia Wyatt
February 1, 1878
Bakerville, Tennessee
Died December 21, 1950 (aged 72)
Falls Church, Virginia
Resting place Oaklawn Cemetery in Jonesboro, Arkansas
Nationality American
Political party Democratic
Spouse(s) Thaddeus H. Caraway
Children Paul Caraway
Forrest Caraway
Robert Caraway

Hattie Ophelia Wyatt Caraway (February 1, 1878 – December 21, 1950) was the first woman elected to serve a full term as a United States Senator. Senator Caraway represented Arkansas.

Contents

Biography

Hattie Caraway in 1914

Hattie Wyatt was born near Bakerville, Tennessee, in Humphreys County, the daughter of William Carroll Wyatt, a farmer and shopkeeper, and Lucy Mildred Burch. At the age of four she moved with her family to Hustburg, Tennessee. After briefly attending Ebenezer College in Hustburg, she transferred to Dickson (Tenn.) Normal College, where she received her B.A. degree in 1896. She taught school for a time before marrying in 1902 Thaddeus Horatius Caraway, whom she had met in college; they had three children, Paul Caraway, Forrest, and Robert; Paul and Forrest became Generals in the United States Army. The couple moved to Jonesboro, Arkansas where she cared for their children and home and her husband practiced law and started a political career.

The Caraways settled in Jonesboro where he established a legal practice while she cared for the children, tended the household and kitchen garden, and helped to oversee the family’s cotton farm. The family eventually established a second home Riversdale at Riverdale Park, Maryland. Her husband, Thaddeus Caraway, was elected to the United States House of Representatives in 1912, and he served in that office until 1921 when he was elected to the United States Senate where he served until he died in office in 1931. Following the precedent of appointing widows to temporarily take their husbands’ places, Arkansas governor Harvey Parnell appointed Hattie Caraway to the vacant seat, and she was sworn into office on December 9. With the Arkansas Democratic party’s backing, she easily won a special election in January 1932 for the remaining months of the term, becoming the first woman elected to the Senate. Although she took an interest in her husband’s political career, Hattie Caraway avoided the capital’s social and political life as well as the campaign for women’s suffrage. She recalled that “after equal suffrage I just added voting to cooking and sewing and other household duties.”

U.S. Senator

In May 1932 Caraway surprised Arkansas politicians by announcing that she would run for a full term in the upcoming election, joining a field already crowded with prominent candidates who had assumed she would step aside. She told reporters, “The time has passed when a woman should be placed in a position and kept there only while someone else is being groomed for the job.” When she was invited by Vice President Charles Curtis to preside over the Senate she took advantage of the situation to announce that she would run for reelection. Populist Louisiana politician Huey Long travelled to Arkansas on a 9-day campaign swing to campaign for her. She was the first female Senator to preside over this body as well as the first to chair a Committee (Senate Committee on Enrolled Bills).[1] Lacking any significant political backing, Caraway accepted the offer of help from Long, whose efforts to limit incomes and increase aid to the poor she had supported. Long was also motivated by sympathy for the widow as well as by his ambition to extend his influence into the home state of his rival, Senator Joseph Robinson. Bringing his colorful and flamboyant campaign style to Arkansas, Long stumped the state with Caraway for a week just before the Democratic primary, helping her amass nearly twice as many votes as her closest opponent. She went on to win the general election in November.

Caraway’s Senate committee assignments included Agriculture and Forestry, Commerce, and Enrolled Bills and Library, which she chaired. She sustained a special interest in relief for farmers, flood control, and veterans’ benefits, all of direct concern to her constituents, and cast her votes for nearly every New Deal measure. Her loyalty to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, however, did not extend to racial issues, and in 1938 she joined fellow southerners in a filibuster against the administration’s antilynching bill. Although she carefully prepared herself for Senate work, Caraway spoke infrequently and rarely made speeches on the floor of the Senate but built a reputation as an honest and sincere Senator. She was sometimes portrayed by patronizing reporters as “Silent Hattie” or “the quiet grandmother who never said anything or did anything.” She explained her reticence as unwillingness “to take a minute away from the men. The poor dears love it so.”

In 1938 Caraway entered a tough fight for reelection, challenged by Representative John Little McClellan, who argued that a man could more effectively promote the state’s interests. With backing from government employees, women’s groups, and unions, Caraway won a narrow victory in the primary and took the general election with 89.4 percent of the vote over the Republican C. D. Atkinson of Fayetteville.

During her tenure in the Senate, three other women – Rose McConnell Long, Dixie Bibb Graves, and Gladys Pyle – held brief tenures of two years or less in the Senate, but none of them overlapped, and so there were never more than two women in the body. She supported Roosevelt’s foreign policy, arguing for his lend-lease bill from her perspective as a mother with two sons in the army. While encouraging women to contribute to the war effort, Caraway insisted that caring for the home and family was a woman’s primary task. Yet her consciousness of women’s disadvantages was evident as early as 1931, when, upon being assigned the same Senate desk that had been briefly occupied by the first widow ever appointed to take her husband’s place, she commented privately, “I guess they wanted as few of them contaminated as possible.” Moreover, in 1943, Caraway became the first woman legislator to cosponsor the Equal Rights Amendment.

In her bid for reelection in 1944, Caraway placed a poor fourth in the Democratic primary, losing her Senate seat to freshman congressman J. William Fulbright, the young, dynamic former president of the University of Arkansas who had already gained a national reputation. To claim the seat Fulbright defeated sitting Governor Homer Martin Adkins and then the Republican Victor Wade of Batesville. The lack of visibility with her constituents may have been the primary reason that she lost the 1944 election [2].Roosevelt then appointed her to the Employees’ Compensation Commission, and in 1946 President Harry Truman gave her a post on the Employees’ Compensation Appeals Board, where she served until suffering a stroke in January 1950. She died on December 21 of the same year in Falls Church, Virginia, and was buried in Oaklawn Cemetery in Jonesboro, Arkansas.

Legacy

Grave of Hattie Caraway

Caraway was a prohibitionist and voted against anti-lynching legislation along with other Southern Democratic Senators. She was generally a supporter of Franklin D. Roosevelt‘s economic recovery legislation. Caraway’s defiance of the Arkansas establishment in insisting that she was more than a temporary stand-in for her husband enabled her to set a valuable precedent for women in politics. Although she remained at the margins of power, Caraway’s diligent and capable attention to Senate responsibilities won the respect of her colleagues, encouraged advocates of wider public roles for women, and demonstrated that political skills were not the exclusive property of men.

She loved her family and paid her debts; in the 1930s, one of her sons was visiting a relative in West Tennessee, in the little town of Newbern. The child was thrown from a horse, mortally wounded, in front of the house of local banker Bush Crenshaw. Crenshaw had tried to save the farmers from foreclosure during the Great Depression but his monkeying with papers to do so had incurred a sentence to the federal penitentiary.[clarification needed] In gratitude for Mr. Bush’s kindness to her son, Senator Caraway intervened with President Franklin Delano Roosevelt to get a presidential pardon for Bush Crenshaw. On February 21, 2001, the United States Postal Service issued a 76¢ Distinguished Americans series postage stamp in her honor. Her gravesite was listed on the National Register of Historic Places on September 20, 2007.

See also

References

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Hattie Caraway (US Senator)

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Famous Arkansan James Paul Clarke biography and video

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Published on Jun 13, 2012 by

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__________

I have posted a lot in the past about Mark Pryor and most of the posts have been critical. (“THIRSTY THURSDAY” open letters to Senator Pryor displayed here on the www.thedailyhatch.org).  However, I must give him credit for this excellent video above about famous Arkansans who are recognized in Washington. Yesterday I posted the same video and included a post on Bill Clinton.

Here is what Wikipedia has to say:

James Paul Clarke

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to: navigation, search
For the Canadian composer, see James P. Clarke (composer).
James Paul Clarke
18th Governor of Arkansas
In office
1895–1897
Preceded by William Meade Fishback
Succeeded by Daniel Webster Jones
United States Senator
from Arkansas
In office
1903–1916
Preceded by James K. Jones
Succeeded by William F. Kirby
Personal details
Born August 18, 1854
Yazoo City, Mississippi
Died October 1, 1916 (aged 62)
Little Rock, Arkansas
Resting place Oakland Cemetery
Political party Democratic
Alma mater University of Virginia
Profession Lawyer

James Paul Clarke (August 18, 1854– October 1, 1916) was a United States Senator and the 18th Governor of Arkansas.

Contents

Biography

Clarke was born in Yazoo City, Mississippi. His father passed away when Clarke was seven years old, and he was raised by his mother. Clarke attended public schools as well as Tutwilder’s Academy in Greenbrier, Alabama.[1] He graduated with a law degree at the University of Virginia in 1878. Clarke was admitted to the bar in 1879, and practiced law at Helena, Arkansas.

Career

Clarke served as a member of the Arkansas House of Representatives from 1886 to 1888. He became a member of the Arkansas Senate from 1888 to 1892, and served as president of the Senate in 1891.

James Paul Clarke

Clarke was elected Attorney General of Arkansas and served from 1892 to 1894. He served as Governor of Arkansas from 1895 to 1896.[2] His term was largely unsuccessful and his legislation to end prizefighting and establish four year terms for state officers failed. After leaving office in 1897, he moved his permanent residence to Little Rock, Arkansas and practiced law.

Clarke was elected to the United States Senate in 1903, and served until his death in 1916. He served as President pro tempore of the United States Senate during the Sixty-third and Sixty-fourth Congresses.

Death and legacy

Clarke died in Little Rock, Arkansas. He is buried at Oakland Cemetery in Little Rock.

Clarke’s statue is one of two statues that was presented by the State of Arkansas to the National Statuary Hall Collection at the United States Capitol.[3]

Quote

  • “A politician thinks of the next election; a statesman of the next generation.”[4]

References

  1. ^ “James Paul Clarke (1895-1897)”. Old State House Museum. Retrieved August 17, 2012.
  2. ^ “Arkansas Governor James Paul Clarke”. National Governors Asociation. Retrieved August 17, 2012.
  3. ^ “James Paul Clarke”. Find A Grave. Retrieved August 17, 2012.
  4. ^ “Past Quotes”. Political Information.com. Retrieved August 17, 2012.

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Famous Arkansan Bill Clinton (1946–) biography and video

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Fortieth and Forty-second Governor (1979–1981, 1983–1992)
Forty-second President of the United States (1993–2001)
aka: William Jefferson Clinton

William Jefferson Clinton, a native of Hope (Hempstead County), was the fortieth and forty-second governor of Arkansas and the forty-second president of the United States. Clinton’s tenure as governor of Arkansas, eleven years and eleven months total, was the second longest in the state’s history. Only Orval E. Faubus served longer, with twelve years. Clinton was the second youngest governor in the state’s history, after John Selden Roane, and the third youngest person to become president, after Theodore Roosevelt and John Fitzgerald Kennedy.

Clinton’s years as governor were marked by extensive efforts to reform the public school system and to spur economic growth. He persuaded lawmakers to enact numerous educational reforms, levy substantial taxes to improve education, and enact an array of laws to invite industrial development and spur business investment.

His election as president in 1992 was followed by the longest period of sustained economic growth in U.S. history. A controversial package of spending reductions and tax increases early in his first year in office and further budget changes in 1997 led to the elimination of deficits in the federal budget and to four successive budget surpluses. It had been fifty years since the government ran three or more surpluses in a row (1947–1949) .

Clinton was president during a period of intense partisanship. Throughout his political career, he demonstrated an ability to bounce back from defeats and scandal. His presidency was beset by numerous investigations, one of which resulted in his becoming the first elected American president to be impeached. Still, he left office in 2001 enjoying high popularity.

Early Life
Bill Clinton was born William Jefferson Blythe IV on August 19, 1946, in Hope, the son of William Jefferson Blythe III and Virginia Cassidy Blythe. His father, a traveling salesman, was killed in an automobile accident before Clinton was born. After he became president, Clinton learned that his father had been married at least three times and that he had a half-brother and a half-sister whom he had never met. He changed his name to Clinton after his mother married Roger Clinton, a car dealer. The family moved to Hot Springs (Garland County), where he graduated from high school. After he became president of the United States, he and his mother revealed that Roger Clinton had been an alcoholic who abused Clinton, Clinton’s mother, and Clinton’s younger half-brother, Roger.

Clinton was a precocious student, musically talented and popular. He graduated from Georgetown University in Washington DC, attended Oxford University in Oxford, England, on a Rhodes Scholarship, and received a law degree from Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut, where he met his future wife, Hillary Rodham of Park Ridge, Illinois. After receiving a law degree in 1973, he returned to Arkansas to teach law at the University of Arkansas (UA) in Fayetteville (Washington County). Rodham joined him on the faculty in 1974, and they were married on October 11, 1975.

Early Political Career
Intent on a political career since he was a child, Clinton was selected to offices throughout his student career. While a student at Georgetown, he worked on the staff of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, which was chaired by Arkansas senator J. William Fulbright, a Democrat. In 1972, he coordinated the presidential campaign of Senator George S. McGovern in Texas. He also handled the Arkansas delegation at the Democratic National Convention.

In 1974, only months after joining the faculty at the University of Arkansas, he ran for United States representative in the state’s Third Congressional District (northwest Arkansas). He won the Democratic nomination but lost—fifty-two percent to forty-eight percent—to Representative John Paul Hammerschmidt, a Republican running for his fifth term. Clinton easily won a race for attorney general in 1976 against Democratic opponents George O. Jernigan Jr. and Clarence Cash. He was unopposed in the general election. He gained popularity when his office opposed rate increases for utilities and fought, on environmental grounds, Arkansas Power and Light’s plans to build a coal-fired plant in Independence County to generate electricity. In 1978, he easily defeated four candidates for the Democratic nomination for governor and then just as handily defeated the Republican candidate, Lynn Lowe of Texarkana (Miller County), compiling 63.4 percent of the votes. He was sworn in as governor in January 1979 at the age of thirty-two.

Governor of Arkansas
In his first term, Clinton proposed modest reforms in education and commercial regulation, particularly to control pollution, but his biggest initiative, a highway program, was expensive fiscally and politically. He persuaded the legislature to increase taxes on motor fuels and to raise other fees on vehicles. Increases in the annual registration fees of automobiles and trucks were particularly unpopular. Clinton would always say that the license fees cost him re-election in 1980, although other initiatives he undertook angered large interests. The trucking industry was irked by his efforts to raise taxes on big rigs and also by his opposition to raising the weight limits for Arkansas highways; poultry interests were irked by the highway weight issue, the wood-products industry by his office’s harsh criticism of clear-cutting forests, and bankers by his suggestion that idle state funds be distributed among banks based on their lending policies. Utility interests, which were particularly powerful, were angry over Clinton’s efforts to stiffen the regulation of rate increases, and he also battled the state’s largest electric utility, Arkansas Power and Light, over the parent company’s successful effort to make Arkansas ratepayers bear a large share of the costs of a big nuclear power plant at Port Gibson, Mississippi. Those interests tended to support his Republican opponent in 1980.

Clinton was also hurt politically by the presence of Cuban refugees at Fort Chaffee, sent there by Clinton’s friend, President Jimmy Carter. Cuba had temporarily lifted its exit restrictions and permitted 120,000 Cubans to go to the United States by boat. Carter sent 18,000 of them to Fort Chaffee. About 300 of the Cubans broke out of the compound in May and rampaged down nearby roads. During the day’s melee, sixty-two people were injured, none seriously, and three buildings at Fort Chaffee were destroyed. A video of the marauding Cubans turned up in an effective campaign ad for Clinton’s opponent in the election. In August, Carter broke a promise to Clinton and the state when he sent all the refugees from northern military posts to Fort Chaffee because the northern posts were not well equipped for winter. Frank D. White, a former banker and state industrial-development official, switched parties to run for governor in 1980. He blamed Clinton for the threat to public safety that the Cubans represented and for higher vehicle license fees. He defeated Clinton in the election with almost fifty-two percent of the vote.

Clinton began practicing law in Little Rock (Pulaski County) and prepared for the 1982 governor’s race. He defeated former Attorney General Joe Purcell and former U.S. Representative Jim Guy Tucker for the Democratic nomination and easily defeated White to regain the office. He was re-elected in 1984, 1986, and 1990 (Arkansas adopted a four-year term for governors starting in 1986).

During the campaign of 1982, Clinton promised to make major strides in education, including a large investment of public money, but he avoided saying he would raise taxes. He was handed the opportunity to raise taxes when the Arkansas Supreme Court in the spring of 1983 ruled that the system of financing the public schools was unconstitutional because it provided unequal resources for school districts. Clinton called a special session of the legislature and proposed higher taxes and a large package of school laws, including a new formula for distributing the state’s dollars among school districts more equitably and a controversial law requiring all teachers and school administrators to pass a test of basic skills. The legislature raised the sales tax from three to four percent and approved most of his other legislation. The Arkansas Board of Education adopted tougher accreditation standards for schools, which were proposed by a study commission headed by the governor’s wife.

The regular legislative session of 1985 was devoted to economic development. The legislature approved almost all of Clinton’s program, which included changes in banking laws, start-up money for technology-oriented businesses, and large tax incentives for Arkansas industries that expanded their production and jobs. Arkansas was one of the best states in new job creation in the next six years, but most of the jobs did not pay high wages, and it remained one of the worst states in average income.

Clinton tried, rather unsuccessfully, in 1987 and 1989 to raise new taxes for education, but after a resounding victory in the 1990 election over a well-financed Republican opponent, Sheffield Nelson, and the defeat of several key legislative opponents, he had major success in 1991. He had called a news conference in 1988 to announce plans to run for president but changed his mind at the last minute, explaining that the campaign and the job would be too hard on his wife and daughter, Chelsea Victoria, who was eight. Although he had promised during the 1990 campaign that he would complete his four-year term, he decided to run for president in 1992. His education reforms and his leadership of several national organizations, including the National Governors’ Conference and the Democratic Leadership Council—a group of moderate Democratic officeholders and businesspeople who sought to alter the liberal bent of the national Democratic Party—strengthened his national stature and gave him important connections.

Presidential Elections
On October 3, 1991, Clinton announced that he would run for president in 1992. He had five Democratic opponents: Senator Robert Kerrey of Nebraska, Senator Tom Harkin of Iowa, former senator Paul Tsongas of Massachusetts, Governor L. Douglas Wilder of Virginia, and former California governor Edmund G. (Jerry) Brown. Although he quickly established himself as the frontrunner, his campaign was nearly derailed by accusations of marital infidelity—including a charge by a Little Rock woman named Gennifer Flowers that she had had a long-running affair with Clinton when he was attorney general and governor—and by revelations that he had taken unusual steps to avoid military service during the Vietnam War. He deflected those controversies and regained momentum. He easily won the Democratic nomination and chose Senator Albert Gore of Tennessee as his vice presidential running mate.

Having successfully led a war against Iraq a year earlier, President George H. W. Bush enjoyed high poll ratings when the campaign began, but a sluggish economy and high unemployment diminished his popularity. Clinton concentrated on the economy, promising to secure health insurance coverage for every American, reform the welfare system, enact a tax cut for the middle class, begin a national service program, reform the system of financing federal campaigns, and invest heavily in the nation’s infrastructure, which he said was deteriorating. H. Ross Perot, a wealthy Texas businessman, ran as an independent and promised to eliminate the federal budget deficit by raising taxes and cutting government spending. Clinton was helped by the weak economy and a perception that President Bush had put little emphasis on improving it, but Clinton also proved a far better campaigner, particularly in the three debates. The contrast between the aging and stiff president and the young and agile governor was especially sharp in the second debate, a town-hall arrangement where Clinton engaged questioners personally. Bush counted on his vast experience in foreign policy and the successful war to liberate Kuwait to give him an edge against the governor of what he described as a small and poor state. He called Clinton a “tax-and-spend liberal.” Clinton received forty-three percent of the popular vote to Bush’s thirty-eight percent and Perot’s nineteen percent and won even more decisively in the Electoral College, 370 to 168.

Although he had been battered by controversy during his first term and his party had lost control of both houses of Congress in 1994, Clinton had an easier election for a second term in 1996. Senator Robert Dole of Kansas, a longtime veteran of Congress and a moderate, won the Republican nomination. Perot ran again, this time as the candidate of the Reform Party, which he organized. Dole attacked Clinton’s character and pointed to his own long service in the military in World War II and in Congress. Dole’s age, seventy-three, was a subtle issue. Clinton was re-elected with forty-nine percent of the popular vote to Dole’s forty-one percent and Perot’s nine percent. Clinton won the electoral vote with 379 votes to Dole’s 159.

Domestic Record
Bitter controversy dogged Clinton from his election until he left office. He had said during his first campaign that he would lift the ban on homosexuals serving in the military, and soon after the election, he indicated that he would move quickly. Protests in Congress and from military leaders dominated the periods before and after his inauguration until he reached a compromise with service leaders: homosexuals could serve if they did not disclose their sexual orientation and did not engage in homosexual conduct. Still, the issue crippled him politically. In his first two years, he did succeed in passing a law that required companies with more than fifty workers to give workers up to twelve weeks of unpaid leave each year to cope with family problems, in addition to another law that established a national service program called AmeriCorps in which young people perform public service work for a period of time.

Two congressional battles in the first two years decided the course of his presidency. Even before he took office, Clinton was persuaded by his new economic team—including Robert E. Rubin (chairman of the National Economic Council), Laura D’Andrea Tyson (chair of the Council of Economic Advisers), Leon Panetta (director of the Office of Management and Budget), Lawrence H. Summers (undersecretary of treasury for international affairs) and Alan S. Blinder (an economic adviser)—that the nation’s critical economic need was to lower the huge federal budget deficit, which had reached $290 billion in President Bush’s last fiscal year (1992–93). Lowering or eliminating the deficit would reassure the bond markets, reduce long-term interest rates, and encourage greater business investment and more jobs. His budget package—which passed both houses of Congress without a vote to spare and without a single Republican vote—reduced spending over five years by $255 billion and increased taxes, mainly on high incomes, by $241 billion. The legislation also expanded the Earned Income Tax Credit, which provided extra income for millions of families earning less than $30,000 a year. The deficit declined sharply over the next two years and disappeared in 1998.

The other congressional battle was over national health insurance. Clinton appointed his wife to chair a task force to study insurance problems and recommend a plan for guaranteeing coverage for everyone. Under that plan, people would join an alliance in each state that would contract with insurance companies and other groups to offer insurance to members. The long, complicated legislation was opposed by many insurance companies and other healthcare groups and by every Republican in Congress. Clinton failed to work out a compromise with moderate Republicans who wanted an expanded insurance system, and the initiative died. That failure and the unpopularity of tax increases cost a number of Democrats their seats in the 1994 congressional elections, and Republicans gained control of the House of Representatives and the Senate, making it difficult for Clinton to get any of his proposals through Congress in his last six years.

After Republicans gained control of Congress, Clinton spent the next six years battling conservatives over the federal budget and social issues such as abortion. The Republican majority, led by the new speaker of the House of Representatives, Newt Gingrich of Georgia, sought to cut federal spending on education, environmental protection, and Medicare and Medicaid. Clinton used his power of veto and the threat of a veto to thwart most of the cuts. Years later, he said halting all the Republican initiatives that he considered so harmful was one of his greatest achievements. When Clinton and the congressional majority could not agree on a budget in 1995 and 1996, the Republicans forced a temporary shutdown of the government. Public opinion seemed to side with the president, and Congress eventually capitulated, which greatly strengthened Clinton’s standing in the presidential election year of 1996.

Despite the stalemate with Republicans on most issues, Clinton succeeded on two major initiatives after 1994. Since 1985, when he was governor, Clinton had advocated a major overhaul of the welfare system to encourage work, and in his 1992 campaign, he had promised to “end welfare as we know it.” When Congress approved a harsher version of his proposal in 1996, he signed it into law over the objections of many in his own administration and in Congress. He had vetoed two earlier measures that were even harsher. The law limited lifetime welfare benefits to five years and required adult recipients to work after two years on welfare. In 1997, he worked out a compromise budget package with Congress that included tax cuts and spending cuts aimed at hastening a balanced budget, which was balanced the next year for the first time since 1969. The legislation also began a new children’s health insurance program, which expanded Medicaid coverage to millions more children from low- and middle-income families. Clinton also signed into law bipartisan measures to combat terrorism, allowing more spending to fight terrorism and making it easier to deport foreigners suspected of terrorism.

Foreign affairs
World communism was no longer the nation’s principal adversary when Clinton took office. Instead, he was confronted with religious and ethnic strife, genocide, and suffering in smaller and weaker countries where the interests of the United States were not clear. He was at first reluctant to commit military forces to such regions, but he developed an expansive view of the country’s strategic interest in protecting human rights and promoting stability. He sent forces to end fighting and protect civilians in Haiti, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Kosovo in the former republic of Yugoslavia. He would later state his regret that he had not done the same in 1994 when two million people were displaced and hundreds of thousands were slain in the African nation of Rwanda.

Clinton tried to arrange peace between religious and ethnic rivals in the Middle East and in Northern Ireland. His intervention brought an end to religious strife in Northern Ireland, a declaration of peace between Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization, and an agreement between Israel and Jordan to end their state of war.

In most foreign interventions, he was opposed by leaders of the Republican Party and sometimes, according to polls, by the public. When the Mexican peso collapsed in 1995, threatening the failure of the Mexican economy, Clinton proposed a loan package to Mexico to ease the crisis. Congress balked when polls showed public opposition to the bailout. Clinton then devised a $20 billion loan package to restore world confidence in Mexico and executed it alone. Mexico rallied and paid off the loans with interest in 1997, three years ahead of schedule.

But the major instrument of Clinton’s foreign policy was not military intervention or diplomacy but trade and economic leverage. He believed that lower tariffs and freer trade with other nations would raise the standard of living in poor nations, increase U.S. exports, and improve the American economy. Over the opposition of many in his own party who thought it would cost too many American jobs, he completed negotiations and won ratification in late 1993 of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which reduced tariffs and created a free-trading bloc among the United States, Canada, and Mexico. He also finished work on a comprehensive world trade agreement called the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which Congress ratified in 1994.

Investigations and Impeachment
For his entire presidency, Clinton, his wife, and members of his administration were hounded by accusations of wrongdoing. When Republicans gained control of the House of Representatives and the Senate after the 1994 elections, congressional committees conducted investigations and lengthy hearings on accusations of misconduct. Also, an unprecedented seven independent counsels (special prosecutors) were appointed to investigate allegations of misconduct. A law enacted during the Watergate scandals relating to the administration of President Richard Nixon provided for the appointment of independent counsels when there were suspicions of misconduct involving the president, vice president, or other major administration officials. Most of the investigations did not involve the president. Allegations included the following: a White House aide had improperly raised funds through a private group while he ran Clinton’s national service corps, Clinton’s first agriculture secretary had accepted improper gifts from companies that his department regulated (including Arkansas-based Tyson Foods), Clinton’s commerce secretary had engaged in improper financial deals, the secretary of Housing and Urban Development had lied to FBI agents during a background check about the size of payments that he had made to a former mistress while he was a Texas mayor, Clinton’s interior secretary had lied to Congress about his role in granting a federal license for a gambling casino, and Clinton’s labor secretary had taken part in an influence-peddling scheme in a former job as a White House aide. None of those investigations produced evidence of illegal activities, although the Housing and Urban Development secretary admitted that he had not been completely truthful about payments to the mistress.

The most troublesome and damaging investigation involved a real estate deal that Clinton and his wife undertook in 1978, while he was attorney general of Arkansas. The investigation became known as “Whitewater,” after the name of the land development company, Whitewater Development Corp., which the Clintons formed with James D. and Susan McDougal of Little Rock. The four had purchased 230 acres of wilderness near the White River and Crooked Creek in Marion County and had lost money when they could not develop and sell the lots. The principal accusation was that the McDougals, and perhaps the Clintons and their real estate project, had benefited from the operations of a Little Rock savings and loan association that James McDougal formed in Little Rock in the 1980s, which eventually went bankrupt. Business deals between the McDougals and a small business lending company in Little Rock run by David Hale, a Little Rock municipal judge, also became a focus of the investigation. The probe was expanded to look into the 1993 suicide of Vincent Foster Jr.—a Little Rock lawyer who became deputy White House counsel—as well as the firing of the White House travel staff and other activities at the White House.

Yielding to Republican criticism, Clinton asked Attorney General Janet Reno in 1994 to appoint an independent counsel on Whitewater. Her appointee, a Republican lawyer named Robert B. Fiske, was later removed by a panel of judges in Washington and replaced with Kenneth W. Starr, who had been solicitor general under President George H. W. Bush.

Starr continued the investigation through the rest of the Clinton presidency. While several Arkansans were indicted in various property dealings in Arkansas, including Governor Jim Guy Tucker, neither the Clintons nor others in his administration were ever implicated in any wrongdoing in the Whitewater-related activities. The investigations concluded that Foster had committed suicide and that the firing of travel staff involved no wrongdoing.

But one part of Starr’s investigation paid off. Agents conducted lengthy inquiries into reports of marital infidelities by Clinton. A former employee of the Arkansas Industrial Development Department, Paula Corbin Jones, filed a lawsuit in 1994 alleging that Clinton had made unwanted sexual advances toward her in a Little Rock hotel room in 1991, and the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that trying the suit would not distract Clinton from his duties as president. In 1998, Linda Tripp, a confidante of Monica Lewinsky, an intern at the White House, gave Starr recordings in which Lewinsky talked about having oral sex with the president. Although the Lewinsky affair was unrelated to any of the Whitewater issues, Starr justified this investigation by saying it was part of a pattern of obstructing justice at the Clinton White House. On September 9, 1998, Starr gave the House of Representatives a lengthy report on Clinton’s indiscretions with Lewinsky, including his efforts to cover them up during testimony before Starr’s grand jury and during a deposition that he gave in the civil case of Paula Jones.

The House Judiciary Committee accused Clinton of “high crimes and misdemeanors,” the grounds for impeaching and removing a president, and brought four articles of impeachment against him. On December 19, voting largely along party lines, the House adopted two of the articles—perjury before the grand jury and obstruction of justice—by votes of 228 to 206 and 221 to 212. Democrats charged that the impeachment proceedings were a Republican vendetta to destroy a popular president. But only the Senate can remove a president, by a two-thirds vote. On February 12, 1999, after hearing lengthy arguments presented by Republican members of the House and by defenders of the president, including a passionate closing argument by former Arkansas senator Dale Bumpers, the Senate defeated the perjury article, forty-five for and fifty-five against, and the obstruction of justice article, fifty to fifty. Starr said he would seek criminal charges against Clinton for the Lewinsky affair after the president left office, but on the day before he left office in January 2001, Clinton issued a statement apologizing for giving erroneous testimony to the grand jury, and Starr closed the investigation. Starr’s independent counsel office did not close until May 2004. Owing to the admission of giving false testimony and proceedings instituted by the Professional Ethics Committee, Clinton surrendered his license to practice law in Arkansas.

Post-presidency
Clinton’s wife decided early in 1999 to run for the U.S. Senate seat in New York being vacated by Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan. She and Clinton bought a house in Chappaqua, New York, to establish residency in New York, and she was elected to the U.S. Senate in November 2000. Clinton retired there after leaving office on January 20, opened an office in the Harlem neighborhood, and began to write his autobiography. The book, My Life, was published in 2004 and became a bestseller. Clinton’s presidential library opened in November 2004 on the Little Rock riverfront. He traveled extensively throughout the world, particularly in Africa and Asia, where he instituted efforts to import medicine to combat the AIDS epidemic. In 2005, President George W. Bush appointed Clinton and the elder President Bush to direct humanitarian relief efforts for the victims of a tsunami that killed more than 200,000 people along the coasts of the Indian Ocean on December 26, 2004. Both were also involved in the relief efforts for the victims of Hurricane Katrina in 2005. In 2010, Clinton and George W. Bush created the Clinton Bush Haiti Fund to assist the people of Haiti after an earthquake there in January.

Summary
Clinton was among Arkansas’s most productive governors and brought about extensive reforms in public education. His long tenure ended with an extended period of job creation and moderate economic growth. He was even more ambitious as president but not as successful, partly because he dealt with a largely hostile Congress for the last six years of his presidency. He steered the Democratic Party gently away from its modern liberal tradition that traced back to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry Truman, John F. Kennedy, and Lyndon B. Johnson, but he still succeeded in improving the economic well-being of low-income working families by $20 billion a year, with a combination of health insurance for their children, refundable tax credits for work, and tax credits for college expenses. While economists debated the extent to which his policies were responsible, his presidency marked the longest period of sustained economic growth in the nation’s history and yielded four consecutive years of federal budget surpluses. Clinton was president at the peak of U.S. supremacy in the world, and he personally basked in unprecedented global admiration.

For additional information:
Clinton, Bill. Between Hope and History: Meeting America’s Challenges for the 21st Century. New York: Random House, 1996.

———. My Life. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004.

Clinton Presidential Collection. Old State House Museum Online Collections. Clinton Collection (accessed May 18, 2011).

Conason, Joe, and Gene Lyons. The Hunting of the President: The Ten-Year Campaign to Destroy Bill and Hillary Clinton. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2000.

Dumas, Ernest C., ed. The Clintons of Arkansas: An Introduction by Those Who Know Them Best. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1992.

Fallows, James, et. al. “Bill Clinton and His Consequences.” The Atlantic Monthly 287 (February 2001): 45–69.

Hamilton, Nigel. Bill Clinton, An American Journey. New York: Random House, 2003.

Kalb, Marvin. One Scandalous Story: Clinton, Lewinsky & 13 Days that Tarnished American Journalism. New York: Simon and Schuster, 2001.

Klein, Joe. “Eight Years.” The New Yorker 76 (October 16 and 23, 2000): 188-217.

Levin, Robert E. Bill Clinton, The Inside Story. New York: Shapolsky Publishers, Inc., 1992.

Levy, Peter B. Encyclopedia of the Clinton Presidency. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2002.

Maraniss, David. First in His Class: A Biography of Bill Clinton. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1995.

Marcus, Alan. “Bill Clinton in Arkansas: Generational Politics, the Technology of Political Communication and the Permanent Campaign.” Historian 72 (June 2010): 354–385.

Root, Paul, ed. To the Grassroots with Bill Clinton. Arkadelphia, AR: The Pete Parks Center for Regional Studies, Ouachita Baptist University, 2002.

Shields, Todd G., Jeannie M. Whayne, and Donald R. Kelley, eds. The Clinton Riddle: Perspectives on the Forty-second President. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 2004.

Smith, Stephen A., ed. Preface to the Presidency: Selected Speeches of Bill Clinton, 1974–1992. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1996.

Takiff, Michael. A Complicated Man: The Life of Bill Clinton as Told by Those Who Know Him. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010.

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Lester Mcclain, I saw him play vs. Ole Miss in 1968 in Jackson, MS

Former player Lester McClain, is honored as the Legend of the Game before the start of the Tennessee Akron game at Neyland Stadium on Saturday. McClain became the first African-American player to wear an orange jersey and first in the SEC to see significant playing time. 

 (AMY SMOTHERMAN BURGESS/NEWS SENTINEL)

Photo by Amy Smotherman Burgess, Knoxville News Sentinel

Former player Lester McClain, is honored as the Legend of the Game before the start of the Tennessee Akron game at Neyland Stadium on Saturday. McClain became the first African-American player to wear an orange jersey and first in the SEC to see significant playing time.

____________

Vols Highlight Video, assorted time periods

(This video clip above shows Lester Mcclain against Memphis St in 1969.)

Kenny Chesney and former Tennessee Volunteers’ Quarterback Condredge Holloway give you an exclusive look at their new ESPN Documentary – “The Color Orange: The Condredge Holloway Story”.

I got to see Lester Mcclain play in Jackson, MS in 1968 against Ole Miss. I went with my grandfather who was a big Ole Miss fan. My uncle Blythe was there too to see his #3 ranked Vols play.

Lester McClain, who is UT’s first black player (1968) also was a part of it. The quote he gave was very telling and I’ll paraphrase it because I’m not sure of it word for word but: “My daddy was 50 years old when I was born, and his daddy was 50 years old when he was born, my grandfather was born a slave. 50 years isn’t a long time.”

Moving the Chains

Last Word — 08 August 2012
Moving the Chains

By Dan Conaway

Reflections on a game-changing fall day in 1968

Georgia scored again while I was throwing up.

Georgia and I had already done these things several times in the preceding three hours, but like Tennessee, I didn’t think I had anything left to counter this time. Late — very late — in the fourth quarter, our offense had gone ice cold, we were down by 8, and my temperature was red hot, up by 2. The governor, the first Sen. Al Gore, a gaggle of congressmen and even the head tire kicker at Goodyear, whose blimp hovered above, were watching from various swell box seats. Millions were watching on TV, and even ABC’s saccharine Chris Schenkel (this guy makes Jim Nance sound like the grim reaper) thought Uga had this one all wrapped up.

I was watching from the couch in the ATO house tube room, alternating between teeth-rattling chills and wind sprints to the john, all wrapped up in a blanket.

It was the first and only home game I would miss in my four years at the University of Tennessee. It was the first and only home game UT wouldn’t win during those four magic years. It was our first game played on artificial turf, dubbed “Doug’s Rug” for Coach Dickey. It was the very first game and the very first catch for No. 85 in your Tennessee program, a shy sophomore from Nashville named Lester McClain.

It was a remarkable game.

Bubba Wyche (is that a good quarterback name, or what?) was staring at fourth down. Fans poured from Neyland Stadium, resigned to loss, and the clock ran faster than any of our backs had all day. He let the pass go, and Lester McClain pulled it in at the Georgia 48.

Lester McClainFirst and 10, Tennessee. First ever, SEC.

That pass gave us a chance, gave us hope. It changed the game and the way the game is played. Lester McClain is black. Two black players had gone before him at Kentucky, but neither had lettered, since you couldn’t play varsity as a freshman, and their careers were ended by injury and heartbreak. Lester’s roommate his freshman year, also black, didn’t come back his sophomore year. So, with that catch, Lester McClain broke through the varsity football color line in the SEC and moved the chains.

It was an amazing game.

Later in the drive and facing another fourth down, Bubba moved the Vols to the line quickly and fired a touchdown pass to Gary Kreis as the clock rolled up all zeros, and I knocked over a pitcher and fell off the couch. Bubba then hit Ken DeLong for the two-point conversion, and Tennessee tied Georgia as Chris Schenkel and I — and those loyal, hopeful fans still in the stadium — all went insane. I charged to the front porch, blanket flapping and heaves forgotten, and screamed at the throngs headed to their cars, completely unaware of the final result and staring unbelievably at the leaping, ragged frat boy specter before them bearing the improbable news in boxers and blanket.

It was a miraculous game.

From the east upper deck, student seats in my day, the world looks promising. On one side, sheer cliffs rise from a river dotted with boats in a moored parade, and distant blue-green mountains form the backdrop. On the other, the buildings that house the means to be any and everything stand watch over dreams on a hill. Below, a contest unfolds that is no more serious than a game but every bit as serious as things that have gone before and are yet to come.

For more people than any other sport, I think, the beginning of football season is about hope and renewal, a slate wiped clean for whatever’s next, shared in mass mutual anticipation on a huge stage or by just one sick kid on a couch.

1968 was the symbolic year of the tragedy of Martin Luther King in the spring, of Bobby Kennedy in the summer, and of the hope symbolized in one young man catching a ball in the fall.

When Lester McClain caught that fourth-down pass, he wasn’t black or white. He was orange. And he was red, white and blue.

– – –

Dan Conaway graduated from UT Knoxville in 1971 with a B.S. in communications, a major in advertising, a strong like of Smoky Mountain Market cheese dogs and a strong dislike of threedraw plays and a punt. He lives in Memphis and is a communication strategy consultant and freelance writer. Visit him at www.wakesomebodyup.com.

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Archie who

I went to see Tennessee play Ole Miss in Jackson in 1968 and all my Mississippi relatives were coming up to me and saying “Archie Who!!” I didn’t know what they were talking about until the game started. Below is the rest of the story from Sports Illustrated.

November 24, 1969

Answer To A Foolish Question

All week Tennessee fans taunted Ole Miss with cries of ‘Who’s Archie?’ On Saturday Archie Manning showed them

You’d have thought those folks from Tennessee would have known better, being neighbors and all. Shoot, any 10-year-old kid who ever got his button nose past the cover of a history book can tell you it doesn’t take all that much to rile Mississippians. Remember when old Abe got up and started off his inaugural speech by saying cotton underwear itched? Bam: a civil war. And you know how easily upset the traffic cops there get when they see a rich Yankee tourist driving 38 miles an hour in a 45-mile-an-hour speed zone.

So what does Steve Kiner do? Steve Kiner, he’s one of Tennessee‘s All-America linebackers, and one day he’s sitting around jawing with some of the boys about the horses they got playing football at Ole Miss. “Hee-haw,” says Kiner, “them’s not horses, them’s mules.” You can guess how gracefully that was received in Oxford and Biloxi and Vicks-burg, where they hang pictures of Archie Manning, the Ole Miss junior quarterback, on the living room wall, right next to the ones of Robert E. Lee and, lately, of Spiro T. Agnew. “Mules, huh?” was the word. “Well, old Archie will show them who’s mules.” In Tennessee, where everybody was feeling good about being unbeaten in seven games and being ranked No. 3 in the nation, they laughed and started handing out ARCHIE WHO? buttons. And, baby, that really tore it.

All this, of course, was greeted with secret delight by Johnny Vaught, the Ole Miss coach and a man who would welcome a Greek bearing gifts, just as long as they could be used as psychological weapons. And should the gifts be less than needed, Vaught, it is suggested, is not opposed to fattening them a bit. Last Wednesday, three days before he would send his troops out to destroy Tennessee 38-0 at Jackson, Miss., the gnarly old oak of a coach never so much as glanced up as a small plane came roaring over his practice field spewing enemy leaflets. But the pilot turned out to be a strange breed of propagandist. On his third pass—after dropping such pleasantries as “Archie who? Archie Mud” and “Wreck the mules, the Vols are No. 1,” and all supposedly signed either by Kiner or Doug Dickey‘s Vols—the pilot cut his motor and yelled, “Go get them. Rebels! To hell with Tennessee!”

While the fires were raging in Mississippi, Vaught was making certain that no fuel was getting back to Tennessee. He closed off all players, most especially Manning, from interviews. Practices are always closed. Vaught once ran the president of the alumni association off the practice field. Another time, when a small plane circled the field, Vaught suspended the drill, called the FAA and had the plane grounded. When it turned out to be a member of the faculty showing off the campus to friends, Vaught told him to go fly someplace else. He did. “Once, just as a joke. I asked him if I could watch one of his redshirts take a shower,” said a veteran Mississippi reporter. “He figured I must be up to something, glared at me and said no I couldn’t, that the shower room was off limits.”

But then, Vaught has always been a suspicious man. When he arrived in 1947, his first move was to call in the state highway department and have them bulldoze a new practice field—eight feet deep. Deciding then that this wasn’t secluded enough, he called the bulldozers back and had them dig a second field, this one even deeper, and he had it surrounded by thick bushes and burly campus cops armed with walkie-talkies. One player suggested that if Vaught thought God was looking down on a practice, he’d put a roof over the field.

In the midst of all this tight seclusion was Archie Manning, big (6’3″ and 205 pounds) and redheaded and wondering why in hell he isn’t able to grow sideburns like everybody else. “But then,” he says, “I guess it’s because I only shave twice a week, sometimes.” He makes up for his lack of sideburns in other ways. Like throwing passes. In Ole Miss‘ first eight games—before walloping Tennessee—he completed 128 of 222 for 1,394 yards and six touchdowns. And like running: 100 carries for 363 yards and 11 touchdowns. Which makes it hard to understand how Mississippi managed to lose to Kentucky, Alabama and Houston, the first two by one point each. And after that they beat Georgia when the Bulldogs were 3-0 and ranked sixth, and after that they beat LSU when the Tigers were 6-0 and also ranked sixth.

“I guess it’s because all the games we won, we played in Mississippi in the daytime,” said Billy Gates, Ole Miss sports information director. “And the three games we lost were out of the state at night. Do you know of any bowls played in Mississippi in the daytime?” Against Kentucky, Ole Miss was looking to Alabama, which came the next week. Ole Miss‘ game plan was to run, mostly not to show off Manning’s passes to ‘Bama scouts. And so they ran, and Manning passed but 13 times for 84 yards and no touchdowns, and Kentucky won a shocker 10-9. And then against Alabama, Mississippi geared its defenses to stop a running attack—and Alabama came out throwing and won 33-32. “Those we should have won,” admits Vaught, holding up one finger. “Just one point each. But the kids knew we should have won and they didn’t get down. We have a thing here called matter-of-fact pride. We never lose it.”

Whatever it is they have at Ole Miss, they had it all against Tennessee, which came in favored anywhere from 11 to 6� points. Upstairs in the press box, Orange Bowl scouts were smiling and saying all they were afraid of was Tennessee losing in a rout—and you know that can’t happen. And downstairs the Ole Miss players were thinking that if they won, Vaught had given them the night to stay in Jackson—something he had done only once before in his career—and didn’t they already have the $5 traveling money to get back to Oxford the next day? Sure it could happen.

“Boys, what it’s going to take out there today is a great team effort, so let’s go,” said Vaught, knowing the boys were so high he didn’t have to say anything else.

And did it ever happen. After the opening kickoff, Manning took Ole Miss 82 yards in 11 plays, mostly on the running of Randy Reed and Bo Bowen, and then himself three times for the last three yards and the touchdown. Vaught had told him to open with a running game and then, when Tennessee stopped it, to go to the air. Tennessee never was to stop it.

On the second drive, after a short Tennessee punt, Ole Miss went 38 yards in eight plays, with Reed recovering Manning’s fumble in the end zone for the score.

The third drive was 16 yards in five plays after a 49-yard return of a punt by Bob Knight. Manning passed five yards to Riley Myers for that one. It was 21-0, and they were just moving into the second quarter, and Ole Miss players were saying things like “Where’s Kiner?” and “How do you like them mules?” and a few other things.

The rout was on. Upstairs one Orange Bowl scout said something about being sick and left. “They can’t do anything wrong,” another moaned. Just then, Ole Miss‘ Cloyce Hinton kicked a 42-yard field goal to make it 24-0. The kick sailed low, fluttering, swooping and, just as it was about to die, it struck the crossbar and bounced over. “Dang, I never saw such a gosh-awful lousy field goal in my life,” said Heywood Harris, Tennessee sports information director, “but, dang, I guess it counts.”

Early in the third quarter, all hope of a Tennessee recovery died when Reed went a yard for a touchdown, making it, after the kick, 31-0. That’s the same score the Vols beat Ole Miss by last year. No longer was anyone in orange clothing yelling “Archie who?” The last score, a one-yard dive by Bowen in the fourth quarter, just rubbed it in a bit.

When it was over and they added it all up, Manning had completed nine of 18 passes for 159 yards and one touchdown, and had run for another score. He and the rest of the team had earned a night on the town.

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This is part of a series that I call “Famous Arkansans.”

“I will wait for you.” (Song below)

Joe Nichols

Inducted in 2008

(b. 1976) – Rogers native, Joe Nichols, found his love for country music at a young age listening to his family pick on their guitars. He made his debut at age 20 with a self-titled album on the independent Intersound label. His 2002 single “The Impossible” gained him recognition and critical acclaim for his neotraditionalist country style. The single peaked at No. 3 on the Billboard Hot Country Songs chart and was followed by his No. 1 single “Brokenheartsville” from his platinum-certified second album, “Man With a Memory.” His albums include “Revelation” (2004), which included the Top 10 hit “If Nobody Believed in You,” “A Traditional Christmas,” “III” (2005) gold-certified that produced his biggest hit to date the No. 1 single “Tequila Makes Her Clothes Fall Off,” “Real Things” (2007) which produced the Top 20 hits “Another Side of You” and “It Ain’t No Crime.”

Wheaton College stands up to Obama administration

I have never been to Wheaton College but I feel close to it. My favorite teacher in highschool, Mark Brink, was a graduate of Wheaton (Billy Graham also attended) and I got to hear about it. Also Bill Elliff who was my pastor at First Baptist Little Rock told me a very interesting story about Wheaton. He said he got to jump in a car in 1970 to take a trip to Wheaton to hear a fellow from Europe speak and when he got there a short fellow with a funny beard named Francis Schaeffer spoke about abortion and infanticide and other subjects he was not aware of.

Of course, if you know anything about this blog then you know that Francis Schaeffer was one of my heroes. It is no surprise at all to me that Wheaton College is taking the steps they are below.

Jennifer Marshall

July 18, 2012 at 4:54 pm

Wheaton College, an evangelical institution, filed a lawsuit against the HHS mandate today, joining Catholic University of America in opposing the rule’s coercive trampling on religious liberty. The Becket Fund for Religious Liberty is representing Wheaton College in the school’s complaint. Left to right: John Garvey, President of Catholic University of America; William P. Mumma, President of the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty; Philip Ryken, President of Wheaton College.

Wheaton College, a leading evangelical postsecondary educational institution, has joined the chorus of organizations suing the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) over its mandate requiring nearly all insurance plans to cover abortion drugs and contraception.

“Wheaton College and other distinctively Christian institutions are faced with a clear and present threat to our religious liberty,” said Dr. Philip Ryken, president of Wheaton College, in an announcement today that the evangelical institution has joined a lawsuit with the Catholic University of America (CUA) against the anti-conscience mandate. “Our first president, the abolitionist Jonathan Blanchard, believed it was imperative to act in defense of freedom. In bringing this suit, we act in defense of freedom again.”

Wheaton College is the fourth Protestant college to file suit against the HHS mandate (and, full disclosure, this author’s alma mater). The Illinois institution joins Colorado Christian University, Geneva College, and Louisiana College. In total, more than 50 institutions are participating in more than 20 lawsuits. These plaintiffs include Catholic hospitals, religious schools serving inner city children, and ministries providing hospice care and assistance to the developmentally disabled.

The HHS mandate lawsuits take on added significance since the Supreme Court ruling in late June that allowed Obamacare to stand. The mandate goes into effect on August 1. After that, as employers renew their health plans in the coming year, they will have to comply with the HHS mandate’s coercive requirement to cover abortion drugs, contraception, and sterilization—regardless of religious or moral objections.

As Ryken noted, the narrow religious exemption included in the final rule effectively only applies to churches and will provide no protection for countless religious employers that hold moral objections to the mandated services. In the case of Wheaton, coverage of abortion drugs would violate the commitment to protecting unborn life stated in the school’s “community covenant,” which is signed by faculty, staff, and students.

Throughout the spring, the Administration touted a so-called “accommodation” to the rule for non-exempt institutions. But that accommodation is nothing more than concept and holds no force of law. Moreover, the college views the rumored accommodation as a “shell game that does not resolve the moral issue that we have,” Ryken explained today.

Damage to religious liberty remains the fundamental problem, and the HHS policy sets an alarming new precedent, as Ryken explained: “The mandate, by providing an exemption for churches, but not for other religious institutions like Christian colleges, is in effect to create two classes of religious institutions in the U.S.: those that have full protection for their religious freedom and those who don’t.”

That serious challenge explains the evangelical-Catholic alliance among the plaintiffs, as Ryken noted in a press briefing with CUA President John Garvey today:

Wheaton College is a distinctively Protestant institution, in our hiring practices, in our theology, but we have a respect for Roman Catholic institutions and, in this case, we recognize that we have common cause with the Catholic University of America and other Catholic institutions in defending religious liberty. We’re, in fact, co-belligerents in this fight against government action. I think the fact that evangelicals and Catholics are coming together on this issue ought to be a sign to all Americans that something really significant in terms of religious liberty is at stake.

All Americans benefit from religious liberty, and we should all be prepared to defend it. Today’s news of Wheaton joining the legal challenge should call attention to the seriousness of the HHS mandate’s threat to religious freedom specifically and the potential for future collisions with conscience under centralized health care policy like that embodied in Obamacare.

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Francis Schaeffer pictured below:

photo

Paul Ryan on Social Security Reform (Part 2)(Wayne Jackson Famous Arkansan)

Congressman Paul Ryan is probably the hottest name in Washington right now. 50% of the people love him and the rest hate him.

 Americans for Prosperity hosted a Social Security Reform Roundtable with Congressman Paul Ryan. Part 1 of 3.

“Provides tax breaks for the wealthy”

False charges about Roadmap and our responses: – The proposed simplified tax code retains its progressivity, and cleans out the tangled web of tax deductions and credits that are disproportionately used by the wealthy.  The tax base is broadened so that rates can be lowered. It also offers generous standard deductions so that a middle-income family of four pays no taxes on the first $39,000 of its income. More important, the business-tax changes in the Roadmap would deliver what all Americans seek at this time — increased job opportunities and higher economic growth.

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Here is part of the series I am doing on “Famous Arkansans.” Wayne Jackson grew up in West Memphis and performed on some famous songs like this one below:

Music video from the new DVD
‘Dreams To Remember: The Legacy of Otis Redding’
by Reelin’ In The Years Productions
VISIT: http://reelinintheyears.com/
This DVD features 16 complete performances by Otis along with brand new interviews with Stax musicians Steve Cropper, Wayne Jackson, Stax Records founder Jim Stewart and Reddings wife Zelma. Release date Sept 18, 2007.
Music video Directed & Edited by Bob Sarles
Produced by Ravin’ Films
VISIT: http://ravinfilms.com/
Otis Redding wrote this song while living on a houseboat in Sausalito on the San Francisco Bay. We discovered the actual spot where Otis’ housboat was berthed, and shot new Super8 footage from the spot for use in this video. Thanks to Anne Garfield, Joel Selvin and Bill Belmont. Otis recorded this song shortly before his tragic death. Steve Cropper finished production on the song after Otis’ plane went down. Released posthumously, it was Otis’ biggest hit ever. Enjoy!

Wayne Jackson has played with all the greats from Aretha Franklin, Otis Redding, Neil Diamond to Elvis Presley. Playing with The Memphis Horns, Wayne’s sweet trumpet is one of the most recognised soulful sounds in the last 50 years of pop music. He has played on over 300 Number 1 records and still is one of the nicest people you could ever meet.

Wayne Jackson knew Elvis from an early age, and not only played on some of Elvis’ greatest songs but was also a visitor to Graceland and has some great insights into music and the man.


First some essential Memphis musical background.

Born in Memphis and raised across the river Wayne Jackson’s love of music began with a guitar. But one night his mother came home with a trumpet for her 11 year-old son. “I opened up the case, and it smelled like oil and brass. I loved that, so I put it together, blew, and out came a pretty noise. My first taste of Sweet Medicine.” The rest is music history.

By 12th grade Wayne Jackson found himself playing with a group called The Mar-Keys. They had a number one instrumental smash called, ‘Last Night.’ It was 1961. What followed was a magical ride making music history with Otis Redding, Sam & Dave, Rufus Thomas, Isaac Hayes, all the soul greats. In 1969, Wayne and sax man, Andrew Love, became “The Memphis Horns” and found themselves working with a host of stars such as Neil Diamond, Aretha Franklin, B.J. Thomas and Elvis Presley.


EIN’s Piers Beagley was fortunate to meet Wayne Jackson and to spend some time with him chatting about soul music, life and Elvis.     

EIN – Thanks for sparing some of your valuable time & talking to us.

Wayne Jackson – You know that I’ve been down there to Australia several times & I love it. If it wasn’t for family over here I could get lost down there!

EIN – You’ve done a lot of touring in your time. I have recently been watching some of those great STAX shows of you in Europe. They are sensational.

W.J – Oh man! We were 25 years old. Otis Redding, me & Andrew Love & Booker T & the MGs. We’d never been to Europe before and me being a country boy from the sleepy, cotton-town of West Memphis (Arkansas), even Memphis was a big deal. I had never been on a jet plane before and we had the biggest time you could imagine. But it was so hard to get any sleep there was always something to do. A lot of times we all felt like The Beatles ‘cos people were frantic to see us. To us it was just “family” but we had craziness & screaming fans all along the way. It was sure an eye opener.

EIN – Who were the original Stax horn section when you were the Mar-keys?W.J – Originally it was actually me & Andrew Love & Floyd Newman but Floyd dropped out ‘cos of College obligations. Joe Arnold who is a great saxophone player used to play with us too.Right: Wayne Jackson, Andrew Love. The sort after 1995 LP, “The Memphis Horns & Special Guests”.

EIN – Before you worked with Elvis you worked also on an incredible number of classic Memphis songs both at Stax and Chips Moman’s American Studios.

W.J – It’s a shame that they tore down both those original studios. American Studios is a parking lot now! We’ve been going through the RIAA website and we’ve found 60 platinum rated records that I played on that the record companies haven’t awarded me yet!

In the end I’ll have over One Hundred platinum records and most of them were done at American Studios. Andrew and I reckon that as The Memphis Horns we have performed on over 300 number One singles!We were kids and we worked 7 days & 7 nights a week, even Christmas. We did that for about 10 years. We only got paid strictly Union rates. Sometimes we might only make $48! Eventually we were put on a staff salary that made up for it.(Left: Wayne Jackson in soulful action)

EIN – It seems crazy that your horn sound is so identifiable in all those records yet you got less than $50!

W.J – Luckily Wilson Pickett’s ‘Land of A Thousand Dances’ was General Motors theme song back in summer 2002 and so I made several thousand dollars that year, although I only got paid $65 to record it initially!

EIN – There’s a very scary story about how an Otis Redding overdub saved your life?

W.J – I remember that week (December 8th 1967) so well because I had gone out with Otis to Hernando’s Hideaway the Thursday night and he was such a nice young man – and just 2 days later he was dead. We had just worked on ‘Dock Of The Bay’ and Otis was going out on the road with his touring band The Barkays to do a live album. Andrew & I were supposed to go out to beef-up their sound but we had to stay and do the overdubs on ‘Dock Of The Bay’. So I was really supposed to be on that plane that killed Otis and the band – but having to stay back for the overdubs on ‘Dock Of The Bay’ saved my life!