Category Archives: Cato Institute

Social Security Privatization would grow economy (Social Security part 6)

HALT:HaltingArkansasLiberalswithTruth.com

There are two crises facing Social Security. First the program has a gigantic unfunded liability, largely thanks to demographics. Second, the program is a very bad deal for younger workers, making them pay record amounts of tax in exchange for comparatively meager benefits. This video explains how personal accounts can solve both problems, and also notes that nations as varied as Australia, Chile, Sweden, and Hong Kong have implemented this pro-growth reform.


Social Security Series Part 6

Personal accounts would cause the economy to grow.

Dan Mitchell of the Cato Institute has asserted that three things would happen if Social Security was privatized.

1. Lower tax rate on work, encouraging job creation.

2. Less government spending, leaving more resources in productive sector.

3. More private savings, fueling investment.

Dan Mitchell goes on to say that this “is exactly what you would expect if you replace a tax and transfer entitlement scheme with private savings and wealth accumulation.”

José Piñera discusses privatizing social security on FBN



Extending unemployment benefits is stupid

Chris Edwards in his article Jettison Those Musty Jobless Benefit and Union Rules makes some great points:

Many of the laws covering today’s workforce were written more than seven decades ago during the New Deal. Collective bargaining and the unemployment insurance system, for example, were both established in 1935. Since then, the U.S. labor force and industrial structure have vastly changed, which creates an opportunity to update the laws to better suit the modern economy.

Let’s look at unemployment insurance. UI has aided millions of laid-off workers during the recent recession, but the system has also created problems. For one thing, high unemployment and expansive benefits have drained UI funds in most states, and now most states — including Maryland and Virginia — are jacking up UI taxes on businesses to replenish their reserves. But the economic recovery is still very shaky, and higher UI taxes will dampen business hiring at a time when unemployment is still very high.

Another problem is that UI pushes up the unemployment rate because it dissuades laid-off workers from reducing their wage demands, moving or making other tough but needed decisions. Harvard University’s Robert Barro estimated last year that recent expansions in UI benefits pushed up the U.S. employment rate by about 2.7 percentage points.

Collective bargaining is out of step with today’s individualistic culture.

There is a better way. In 2002, the nation of Chile created personal UI savings accounts funded by payroll contributions. When workers lose their jobs, they draw on their UI accounts, giving them a strong incentive to find a job quickly and not deplete their funds. A detailed study of the Chilean system found that, indeed, workers using the new accounts had shorter spells of unemployment. A side benefit of Chile’s system is that when workers retire, they have an additional pot of savings to enjoy.

We should also reform labor union rules. Workers have generally rejected the current system of collective bargaining, which amounts to monopoly union control of a workforce after a majority vote. The share of private-sector workers in labor unions has plunged from a peak of 35 percent in the 1940s to just 7 percent today — despite the pro-union tilt of federal laws.

Collective bargaining is out of step with today’s individualistic culture. The system is inconsistent with the right to freedom of association, and it effectively silences workers who disagree with union heads. Collective bargaining also creates rigid work structures in companies, which is damaging to firms competing in the dynamic global economy.

Chris Edwards is editor of Cato Institute’sDownsizing Government.org.

 

More by Chris Edwards

A better alternative is voluntary unions or worker associations. In Virginia, for example, collective bargaining is outlawed in the public sector, but the state has voluntary associations of teachers and other government workers. That voluntary approach should be the rule for both the private and public sectors nationwide.

The Cato Institute in Washington looks out over Samuel Gompers Park, named after the founder of the American Federation of Labor. Gompers was strongly against a federal UI system because he thought it would restrict freedom and undermine the union role in providing unemployment benefits, which was commonplace before 1935.

Today, unions based on voluntary membership — rather than forced collective bargaining — could work if they provided useful services to their members such as UI benefits. As for UI, policymakers should explore nonfederal options such as union plans and private insurance, and they should study the advantages of Chile’s savings-based system.

Is President Obama willing to present real or phony cuts in debt ceiling crisis?

In the press the Republicans are getting hit over the head constantly with the popular explanation that President Obama is ready to compromise and provide real deep budget cuts. However, is that the truth? Michael Tanner exposes the real proposal by President Obama.

The Intransigent Meet the Unserious,” by Michael D. Tanner

Democrats go hardball on tax hikes while Republicans play softball.

Last Friday, House minority leader Nancy Pelosi held a press conference to announce that House Democrats should oppose a debt-ceiling agreement that included any cuts in Medicare or Social Security. Meanwhile, over in the Senate, Sherrod Brown (D., Ohio) and Bernie Sanders (I., Vt.) announced that they would filibuster any deal that included changes to those programs, and possibly Medicaid as well.

So, of course, you saw the deluge of media stories blaming Democratic intransigence for threatening to throw the country into default. Neither did I.

Republicans have clearly drawn a line in the sand, opposing any tax increase. But Democrats have been even more unbending, resisting any serious structural reform of entitlements or deep spending cuts, while insisting on huge tax hikes as part of any deal.

Why the insistence on tax hikes? Democrats know that, according to the Congressional Budget Office, tax revenues will return to their historic average of 18 to 19 percent of GDP by the end of the decade. They know this will happen even if the Bush tax cuts are extended and the alternative minimum tax is fixed. The only reason, therefore, for tax increases would be to enable more government spending.

The president is now calling for a “big” deal that would reduce the debt by $4 tillion over ten years, while we’ll borrow more than a third of that this year.  In fact, over those ten years, we are expected to run up more than $13 trillion in new debt.

It’s also important to remember that the president is not offering $4 trillion in spending cuts. The deal he has proposed includes more than $1 trillion in tax hikes. Another $1 trillion is assumed savings on interest payments. Thus, what is really on the table is barely $2 trillion in actual spending reductions. What the president is really offering is closer to $2 in spending reductions for every $1 in tax hikes, not the 4:1 ratio reported by the media. Moreover, that is over ten years, meaning the cuts would actually be just $200 billion per year. We will pay more than that this year in interest on what we have already borrowed.

As minimal as these cuts are, they are actually even less than they appear. Most people assume that a spending cut means spending less next year than we spend this year. Then again, most people don’t understand Washington. Washington operates under “baseline budgeting,” meaning that if Congress plans to spend $2 billion more on a program than it spent this year, but only spends $1 billion more, that is a $1 billion “cut.” Thus, the $2 trillion in spending “cuts” currently being discussed would actually allow government spending to increase by $1.8 trillion.

Of course, the president also has expressed a willingness to put Medicare and Social Security on the table, despite opposition from the Democrats in Congress. But here too the proposals are far less than they appear. They would do nothing to change the structure of these programs, instead offering a grab bag of future benefit trims that may or may not ever occur, such as further squeezing reimbursements to hospitals and physicians.

So the deal that the Republicans are currently offering would actually allow federal revenue, federal spending, and the national debt all to increase over the next decade. They have abandoned structural changes to entitlement programs — anything like Paul Ryan’s Medicare reform is off the table — and appear to have dropped calls for a balanced-budget amendment or a spending cap.

This is radical? This is intransigence? If only.

Mike Huckabee’s solution to debt ceiling crisis: Let the Democrats have their way

Cut Cap Balance Debt Ceiling Republicans

On Saturday’s Huckabee Show (July 16, 2011) Mike Huckabee opened up the show with the following statement: 

The Republicans ought to put forth their plan and advance it as far as it will go and then make clear where they stand. If they can’t get the “Cut, Cap and Balance” through the Senate and the White House, then at least they have made their stand. Then it is going to be up the the President and the Democrats to put a real plan on the table. Let them propose it and support and send it to the House.The House ought to pass it, not because they like it, but to give the Democrats full ownership of their plan.The government will then operate and we will not lose our credit rating, but then the constrast is set between two very clear directions for the next eletions. Spend and tax more or “Cut, Cap and Balance”. As a Republican I would glad to run on that platform instead of spend and tax anyday. What do you think? Well you can let me know at MikeHuckabee.com

I did take Mike Huckabee’s suggestion and email my thoughts on his statement. Below is the email. 

Dear Governor Huckabee,

I have supported you since 1992 when you ran for Senator in Arkansas against Dale Bumpers. My close friends and relatives of mine have been on the street campaigning for you even to following you to Iowa in 2008 and going door to door for you. 

Since 2008 we have been tuning in to see your show every week and have been telling our friends about that. I have especially enjoyed the first part of every program where you give your take on the current political talk of the day. Occasionally I do disagree with you on some things and today I find it is one of those days. 

The problem with your suggestion that Republicans vote for the Democrat plan in the House is what I would consider an “epic cave in.” There are two reasons this would not be a good course of action.

First, Republican primary voters will hold Republicans accountable for voting to hand over our future to the Democrats. How can a Democrat or a Republican turn their back on their core beliefs just to allow the other side the opportunity to mess up? 

Second, if Republicans hold firm then the Democrats will come to deal concerning serious budget cuts. I do admit that they may instead try McConnell’s alternative where President Obama becomes basically a dictator. If that does occur then it will truly become the election issue that you talk about. That is much different than caving into what they want by voting for it.  Chris Edwards of the Cato Institute had an excellent article along these lines. 

McConnell’s Cave-In and Boehner’s Opportunity

Posted by Chris Edwards

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell has offered the president a way to raise the debt ceiling by $2.5 trillion without having to cut spending. The WaPo reports that “McConnell’s strategy makes no provision for spending cuts to be enacted.”

This appears to be an epic cave-in and completely at odds with McConnell’s own pronouncements in recent months that major budget reforms must be tied to any debt-limit increase.

House Republicans should obviously reject McConnell’s surrender, and they should do what they should have done months ago. They should put together a package of $2 trillion in real spending cuts taken straight from the Obama fiscal commission report and pass it through the House tied to a debt-limit increase of $2 trillion. Then they shouldn’t budge unless the White House and/or the Senate produce their own $2 trillion packages of real spending cuts, which could be the basis of negotiating a final spending-cut deal.

For those who say that House tea party members won’t vote for a debt increase, I’d say that $2 trillion in spending cuts looks a lot better than the alternative of having Democrats and liberal Republicans doing an end-run around them with McConnell’s no-cut plan.

For those who say that House members are scared of voting for specific spending cuts, I’d say that they’ve already done it by passing the Paul Ryan budget plan. I’d also say that you can’t claim to be the party of spending cuts without voting for spending cuts.

Obama’s Fiscal Commission handed Republicans ready-made spending cuts on a silver platter—Republicans will never get better political cover for insisting on spending cuts than now.

Dan Mitchell discusses Republican’s possible responses to Debt Ceiling Crisis

House Republican Leaders gather after a GOP Conference meeting to discuss the growing need for a resolution to the continued debt crisis that America is facing. The president and previous Congress have been on a spending binge and House Republicans are putting forth a plan- “Cut, Cap and Balance” in order to save our economy for future generations.

_____________________________________

I am really upset that the Republicans seem to be suggesting stupid alternatives like the one that Mitch McConnell suggested. Dan Mitchell of the Cato Institute seems to hold the same negative views that I do. Take a look at the article below:

I Hope I’m Wrong, But Here’s Why Republicans Will Lose the Debt-Limit Fight

Posted by Daniel J. Mitchell

There are three reasons why I’m not very hopeful about the outcome of the debt-limit battle.

1. There is no unity in the GOP camp.

Republicans have been all over the map during this fight. Some of them want a balanced budget amendment. Some want a one-for-one deal of $2 trillion of spending cuts in exchange for a $2 trillion increase in the debt limit. Others want some sort of spending cap, akin to Senator Corker’s CAP Act. Some want to mix all these ideas together in a cut-cap-balance package. Others want Obamacare repeal.  And the latest proposal is Sen. McConnell’s proposal to let Obama unilaterally raise the debt limit.

These are mostly good ideas, but the failure to coalesce around one proposal – preferably one that is easy to understand – has made the Republican position difficult to define, defend, or advance.

2. The fear of demagoguery is high.

As I explained months ago, Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke and Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner are trying to spook financial markets with hyperbolic warnings about a risk of default. This is blatant dishonesty and demagoguery, but Republicans are nervous that this tactic might be successful if there is a high-stakes showdown as the government’s borrowing authority runs out.

For those with short memories, this is what happened with TARP back in 2008. The initial bailout proposal was rejected, leading to short-run market gyrations, and many Republicans panicked and switched their votes to yes.

3. Republicans don’t control the Senate or the White House.

I’m stating the obvious, of course, but people seem to forget that any debt limit increase will need to get through the Senate and get signed by Obama.

Imagine you are Harry Reid or Barack Obama. Is there any reason why you would acquiesce to Republican demands? Yes, you need to at least pretend to care about big government, wasteful spending, and red ink, but why not hold firm and then strike a deal based on make-believe spending cuts? That’s exactly what happened during the “government-shutdown” debate earlier this year.

This post, incidentally, is not an attack on Republicans. I’m very willing to attack GOPers when they do the wrong thing, but I’m not sure they deserve to get hammered in this case.

Simply stated, I don’t think there’s a winning strategy, so I don’t see any point in going nuclear.

If nothing else, at least Republicans resisted the siren song of tax increases, which is not a trivial achievement since Democrats clearly were hoping to trick GOPers into giving up one of their strongest political positions.

Brummett: Time for backup plans on debt ceiling debate

I know that a lot of people are getting nervous about the potential problems that may come from a government shutdown on August 2, 2011. However, I really am not worried and I think things will turn out fine if the Republicans do not blink. Nevertheless, Brummett is right when he says it appears that they are blinking.

John Brummett in his article, “Your hero is the one blinking,” Arkansas News Bureau, July 14, 2011 observed:

So it happened on Tuesday that Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, bless him, blinked.

He’d already blinked a little, declining to filibuster a debt ceiling solution by which Republicans could kill any deal by invoking 60 votes. But this time he told a news conference that, while it was all Obama’s fault, the nation needed an escape hatch, a parachute, so that America would meets its debt obligations in the likely event a spending-cut compromise couldn’t be reached by Aug. 2.

So he proposed that, for a last gasp, Republicans would reject any real debt ceiling resolution and merely vote to give Obama periodic authority to make unilateral and short-term adjustments in the debt ceiling.

That would permit America to make its debt payments on time while permitting Republicans to run against Obama as the wild socialist spender who keeps personally piling up our innocent grandchildren’s unsustainable debt.

Remember that McConnell is on record saying the sole purpose of his Senate service is to get Obama beat.

_____________________

I had been hopeful that the Republicans would stay the course. Chris Edwards of the Cato Institute expresses my views below on this debate.

McConnell’s Cave-In and Boehner’s Opportunity

Posted by Chris Edwards

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell has offered the president a way to raise the debt ceiling by $2.5 trillion without having to cut spending. The WaPo reports that “McConnell’s strategy makes no provision for spending cuts to be enacted.”

This appears to be an epic cave-in and completely at odds with McConnell’s own pronouncements in recent months that major budget reforms must be tied to any debt-limit increase.

House Republicans should obviously reject McConnell’s surrender, and they should do what they should have done months ago. They should put together a package of $2 trillion in real spending cuts taken straight from the Obama fiscal commission report and pass it through the House tied to a debt-limit increase of $2 trillion. Then they shouldn’t budge unless the White House and/or the Senate produce their own $2 trillion packages of real spending cuts, which could be the basis of negotiating a final spending-cut deal.

For those who say that House tea party members won’t vote for a debt increase, I’d say that $2 trillion in spending cuts looks a lot better than the alternative of having Democrats and liberal Republicans doing an end-run around them with McConnell’s no-cut plan.

For those who say that House members are scared of voting for specific spending cuts, I’d say that they’ve already done it by passing the Paul Ryan budget plan. I’d also say that you can’t claim to be the party of spending cuts without voting for spending cuts.

Obama’s Fiscal Commission handed Republicans ready-made spending cuts on a silver platter—Republicans will never get better political cover for insisting on spending cuts than now.

What does the Heritage Foundation have to say about saving Medicare:Study released May 10, 2011 (Part 4)

Would a Public Option Hurt Competition? – David Hyman

 

“Saving the American Dream: The Heritage Plan to Fix the Debt, Cut Spending, and Restore Prosperity,” Heritage Foundation, May 10, 2011 by  Stuart Butler, Ph.D. , Alison Acosta Fraser and William Beachis one of the finest papers I have ever read. Over the next few days I will post portions of this paper, but I will start off with the section on Medicare.

The Details

A Defined Contribution Adjusted by Income. Five years after enactment,
all new retirees receive a contribution (premium support) from the
government, just as federal employees and retirees do today. They can use this
contribution to choose Medicare’s premium-based FFS plan or one of the other
health plans. After one year of operation, Medicare enrollees in the traditional
Medicare FFS program are free to join the new Medicare premium-support program.
They can then choose a premium-based FFS plan or an alternative.

During the first five years of the premium-support program, the government’s
contribution is based on the weighted average premium of the regional bids of
competing health plans. After the first five years, the government contribution
is based on the lowest bid of competing plans in a region. The bidding system
will be phased in and will include the bids of the competing managed care plans,
other private plans, and the Medicare premium-based FFS plans offering an
approved range and quality of services.

Under the Heritage plan, low-income enrollees receive the full Medicare
defined contribution. The amount of the defined contribution starts to phase out
for Medicare enrollees with annual non–Social Security incomes between $55,000
and $110,000 and couples with incomes between $110,000 and $165,000. Enrollees
with incomes over $110,000 and couples with incomes over $165,000 receive no
government contribution and pay full, unsubsidized premiums. As with Social
Security, married couples can decide whether they want to qualify for benefits
as individuals or jointly as a couple. The phaseout income levels will be
inflation-indexed. However, Medicare remains a valuable program for
higher-income seniors because they retain access to a guaranteed-issue and
community-rated insurance program.

Under the Heritage plan over 90 percent of seniors would receive the full
defined contribution. Only just over 3.5 percent have such high incomes that
they would pay the entire premium without any contribution from the
government.

This income-adjustment of Medicare is not new. Today, for instance, Medicare
Part B and Part D premiums are changed significantly according to income. For
single retirees, Part B premiums can range widely, from $96.40 per month to as
much as $369.10 per month, depending on their income. Upper-income retirees can
pay as much as $69.10 per month more for the same Part D coverage as a
lower-income senior. What the Heritage plan does is rationalize the income
adjustment of Medicare so that it fulfills the true insurance purpose of the
program while assuring that the program will be available for future
generations.

Percent of Defined Benefits Contribution for Medicare Beneficiaries, by Income

What does the Heritage Foundation have to say about saving Medicare:Study released May 10, 2011 (Part 3)

The Public Option’s Unfair Advantage? Gov’t Bailouts – Michael Cannon

“Saving the American Dream: The Heritage Plan to Fix the Debt, Cut Spending, and Restore Prosperity,” Heritage Foundation, May 10, 2011 by  Stuart Butler, Ph.D. , Alison Acosta Fraser and William Beachis one of the finest papers I have ever read. Over the next few days I will post portions of this paper, but I will start off with the section on Medicare.

The Reformed System. When the changes are fully phased in, seniors
will enroll in the health plans of their choice and receive a defined
contribution (known as premium support) toward the cost of their plans, much as
Members of Congress and millions of federal employees and retirees do through
the FEHBP. Unlike today, all plans will include catastrophic protection. Thanks
to the structure and insurance rules in Medicare, the premium support will be
sufficient for seniors to afford an adequate level of benefits, regardless of
age or health care condition.

The range of choices in the transformed system includes Medicare
premium-based fee-for-service insurance as well as other fee-for-service plans,
Medicare Advantage plans, managed care plans, association plans, and
Taft–Hartley Act and employer-based plans. Existing health savings accounts
(HSAs) can also be carried into retirement.

Medicare’s basic rules for insurance are retained, together with an improved
risk-adjustment mechanism to offset the impact of any adverse selection.
Under the reformed system, Medicare’s Center for Drug and Health Plan
Choice, whose mission today is to identify abuse and oversee marketing rules for
Medicare Advantage and Medicare drug plans, carries out that function for all
plans.

Beyond retaining the Medicare insurance rules, the reform provides for fiscal
solvency and reserve requirements for all health plans to ensure that plans have
the financial resources to pay insurance claims. It also provides marketing
rules to protect consumers against fraud and a requirement that benefits be
described in plain English without surprises or denials in fine print. By
increasing choice and competition, the reformed Medicare program will deliver
better care and provide true health care security for less money than under
current projections.

The cash value of premium support is reduced for upper-income seniors and
eventually phased out for those with the highest incomes. However, all seniors
will have access to the same Medicare system with no need to buy a separate plan
to cover catastrophic expenses. Poor seniors remain eligible for Medicaid
assistance. Like the Social Security adjustments in retirement age, Medicare’s
eligibility age becomes 68 in 10 years and is indexed thereafter for increases
in longevity.

During the five-year transition period, Medicare’s traditional
fee-for-service system also changes. Part A costs are offset by a new premium
payment system for upper-income retirees. The premiums for Parts B and D rise
according to income. The highest-income seniors pay an unsubsidized premium for
Parts B and D during the transition.

What does the Heritage Foundation have to say about saving Medicare:Study released May 10, 2011 (Part 2)

Is Medicare Part of the Problem? – Michael Cannon

 

“Saving the American Dream: The Heritage Plan to Fix the Debt, Cut Spending, and Restore Prosperity,” Heritage Foundation, May 10, 2011 by  Stuart Butler, Ph.D. , Alison Acosta Fraser and William Beach is one of the finest papers I have ever read. Over the next few days I will post portions of this paper, but I will start off with the section on Medicare.

Medicare must be reformed to solve this huge financing problem, to improve
access to quality care, and to ensure that health care will be available for
younger Americans when they retire.

The Heritage plan accomplishes this by transforming Medicare from an
open-ended and unsustainable defined-benefit entitlement into a properly
budgeted program that focuses Medicare subsidies on those who need them most.
The new Medicare program would look much more like the Federal Employees Health
Benefits Program (FEHBP), the health care system for Members of Congress and
federal employees.

Over a five-year period, the plan transforms Medicare into a
defined-contribution system, with stronger health security for the poor and less
healthy, and guarantees new protections against catastrophic costs for all
enrollees. Today’s traditional fee-for-service Medicare program provides no such
protections. Because of this gap, nine out of 10 seniors feel compelled to buy
supplemental private health insurance, including Medigap, to cover themselves
against the financial devastation of catastrophic illness. This means that
seniors pay an extra set of premiums and often incur high out-of-pocket costs
for both premium and non-premium medical expenses.

Finally, the plan establishes a true long-term budget for Medicare.

The Heritage Plan would Rein in Mandatory Entitlement Spending

Balanced Budget Amendment the answer? Boozman says yes, Pryor no, Part 36 (Input from Dan Mitchell of the Cato Institute Part 8)

From a lecture given by Dr. Milton Friedman in Erie, Pennsylvania (1978).

Photo detail

Steve Brawner in his article “Safer roads and balanced budgets,” Arkansas News Bureau, April 13, 2011, noted:

The disagreement is over the solutions — on what spending to cut; what taxes to raise (basically none ever, according to Boozman); whether or not to enact a balanced budget amendment (Boozman says yes; Pryor no); and on what policies would promote the kind of economic growth that would make this a little easier.

Dan Mitchell wrote a great article called “Why a Tax Limitation/Balanced Budget Amendment is Needed to Control Spending,” Cato Institute, Feb 19, 1997. I will be posted portions of that article the next few days. Here is the eighth portion:

Would the Amendment Make it More Difficult to Cut Taxes?

Because of existing budget rules and antiquated revenue-estimating techniques, it already is extremely difficult to cut taxes. It is hard to imagine how enactment of a balanced budget amendment could make tax cuts even less likely. Under current law, legislation that is estimated to increase the deficit faces procedural hurdles, including a three-fifths supermajority requirement in the Senate. In other words, tax cuts need to be accompanied by offsetting savings from the spending side of the budget.

If a balanced budget amendment is ratified by the states, the obstacles to tax cuts should remain unchanged. If anything, existing budget rules probably would be strengthened to ensure compliance with the amendment. It is almost certain that supporters of tax cuts would continue to be obliged to “pay for” their proposals with spending savings.

Conclusion

Excessive government spending is shackling the U.S. economy. A balanced budget amendment, however, should help limit the future growth of government by making it more difficult for politicians to finance additional spending with government borrowing. It is important to recognize that all the benefits of a balanced budget amendment depend on reducing the size of government. If, as many fear, politicians simply replace debt-financed spending with tax-financed spending, faster economic growth will not materialize. A strong tax limitation provision is the key to achieving a pro-growth balanced budget amendment.